Showing posts with label Magnum Force. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Magnum Force. Show all posts

Film, Censorship and Historic Research

Saturday, 28 March 2009

The relations between film and culture, or film and ideology, have been found in various ways. One of these is to view film as mirrors of the dominant culture in which they are made. In this aspect movies are attributed documentary qualities, and a reflectionary relationship is created between movies and society. Applying this theory a problem occurs; i.e. both optimistic musicals and film noirs were made in America in the forties. Which of these are the accurate reflection of American society? The conclusion must be that the use of this mirror term or reflection metaphor is just not good enough. It is unsatisfactory because it overlooks the many variables that movie making consists of. To make a movie one has to deal with a system of selection and combination, both different and competing cultural aspects, and industrial and institutional factors have influence on a movie production. A feature film does not reflect the truth; it shows a constructed and narrated world. In order to create this world, it has to regard the conventions, rules, myths and ideologies of the society from which it was born. In addition the medium itself has restrictions.

There are more satisfactory methods to use in the analysis of film and culture. The use of methods from other fields of research have added valuable tools to the field of film research. In general there are two ways of approaching the relation between film and culture; textual and contextual. The textual approach to the film medium concentrates on the film text to read the cultural function of film. This method tends to focus on similarities and typical texts rather then the opposite, and this gives the method structuralist tendencies. It also tends to work by tracing the mythologies and ideologies in the film back to sources within the culture; it is based on the assumption that the film text consists of certain determined rules, and that the culture author this text. An example of this approach is the work of Paul Schrader on film noir, and the way the subject of women in noir has been treated. A contextual approach on the other hand is more interested in the analysis of outside determinants in the film industry, such as cultural, political, institutional and industrial factors. All of these factors are elements that have influence on the production of a movie, and a movie text. In the study of film and culture the best result would perhaps come from combining these two techniques since both deal with themes relevant to these studies.

Film institutions have political interests that determine which films are made, and which films are seen by an audience. One of the reasons for this is found in peoples identification with the nation. Nationalism functions as a tool to value the nation over the individual, so that if one accepts this nationalism one subordinates oneself to the nation. The idea of the nation sets a set of rules of ethics and moral, and thus defines what is American (in this case). If one possesses this identification one can gain political power. In this aspect it becomes important to control the arts, (because art are representations of the nation), so that it have coherence with this idea. Art--in this case movies--can represent different viewpoints on the desirable homogeneous image of the nation state. This multiplicity is of course not wanted, and thus there are tried methods of controlling this.

In America in the forties and fifties, measures taken to prevent un-national activities. Within movie production there was the Production Code and a bit later, HUAC. The Production Code was a set of censorship regulations governing the Hollywood productions. It laid down rules for what the movies were permitted to show. It labeled issues like nudity, the use of drugs, homo sexuality and so on taboo. Still film noir deals with several of these subjects, its messages are hidden within the movies. Sometimes this prohibited material is showed off screen, cast in another form with the message barely concealed, or in other ways disguised. In this manner there existed a Hollywood self censorship. In 1947 the House of Un-American Activities Committee started their investigation of the film industry. This committee won political influence, and the questioning of the status quo was labeled un-American. This was a subject dealt with by the film noirs.

http://www.let.rug.nl/~usa/E/noir/noir09.htm

Film noir and contemporary America

The national identity of a country is based on different myths and ideologies. In the nineteenth century pre-industrialized America, democratic equality was based on the universal ownership of property. At this time America was an agrarian society, and this ideology led-- among other things--to the westward expansion. During the early twentieth century America changed from an agrarian to an industrialized society. In the 1920s, for the first time, more people lived in cities than in the country. Even if the way of living changed and people formerly owned property now received pay-checks, the myths stayed the same. It was only after the Depression that these myths disappeared. Film noir shows a transitional stage in American ideology, when the American identity changes from being pre-industrial to a mass consumer society with an industrialized corporate state. At this point in American history there were no new myths available, and the national identity was in crises. During the war America saw a massive mobilization, and one of the driving powers behind this was the common goal of the nation. The national unity was one of the powers behind this mobilization, the country work as a group instead of as individuals. This prospect of unity disappeared in peacetime, and led to disillusionment in postwar America.

Film noir can be seen as both a screen style, and a perspective on human existence and society. Its narrative structures incorporate a dark world view that is the result of a confrontation with nihilism. The cause of nihilism, in short, appears when peoples ideals are shattered. In the twentieth century tradition could not cope with the social development, and this causes a moral problem (which is easy spotted in film noir).
This is what happened to the American population in the 1940s. Earlier the Americans had been free individuals and masters of their own destiny, but in postwar America people became tied up by an economic and political system out of their control. Fortune seemed to control the field. Nietzsche said that, if a world view one has put down effort to preserve and that one has believed in, is falsified, it will give man the suspicion that all perceptions of the world are false. From this it is not short step to take in order to say that the basis of human existence is irrational and order is an illusion, a thought, or truth, most people are not strong enough to handle. A way to fight the anxiety these thoughts, or knowledge, create is to hide oneself in the quest for material wealth or power.
At this point my thoughts go to the affluent mass consuming society of the United States. Another thought is that maybe the country as a whole, not just its bourgeoisie, tried to fight nihilism with materialism, for the willingness to annihilate the world before giving up its political system must be called nihilism. I think it can be safe to say that film noir is an American attempt to engage this phenomenon.

The themes of film noir touch many aspects of life, but they all revolves around the destined being. The protagonists are hostages of fate and seem partly unfree and powerless. Fate runs the shop, and the heroes of film noir are willing to buy. They act as if they are masters of their own lives, but still let it show that they know they are not. The male hero is disillusioned and alienated from his surroundings.
I think that this is something the audience could relate to in the forties and fifties. The new society of gigantic cooperation's created a feeling of powerlessness among the workers. He who had been his own boss earlier in this own small scale business , now had become one of many pay-check collectors. This alienated mood in film noir can be seen as a reaction to the large, impersonal, dehumanizing cooperation's of the new consumer society. I view the hard-boiled heroes disillusionment as a reaction to contemporary Americas loss of old myths and identity.

The way women are presented in film noir I find rooted in the fact that in America during World War II women had won access to the economic sphere, which field had formerly been exclusively for men. This creates a problem, not only in the noir world, but also in the real one. The females patriotic duty in the work force, led to a redefinition of their place within culture. A consequence of this was a confusion in regard to the traditional conception of sexual roles and sexual identity, an identity that had been non-practicing during the war because of the separation of the sexes. The female entry to the male dominated world made the American male lose track of his position within a society he formerly controlled. The war dislocated men from their former sense of being the prime movers of culture.

The family, or absence of it, in film noir is valuated with negativity. It is possible to view the family as a metaphor for the larger society, and its negative value as social discontent. In film noirs the rebellion against a traditional valued institution like the family often ends with destruction.

Movements within the medium of film--like the German expressionism--occur as an answer to a national crises. If the noir phenomenon is seen as a movement--and it partly is--so did film noir. In postwar America there are threats like the Red scare, the resent emerged from global war, extended borders, widespread crime and violence, and the possibility of annihilation.
Personally, I would call this a crisis. Film noir tries to deal with this crisis in its own way. It shows the dark and desperate mood of this era, even though some people threw themselves into the materialistic race to forget.
I think the audience of the time were distressed watching noirs, because they could identify with these movies. Still, I do not think that the noirs are not so much rebelling against contemporary America, as trying to get it back together. I do not think that noirs offer alternatives, but that they show what happens if one defies the traditions (i.e. the view of women and family). America at the time was confused and film noirs were merely searching for answers.

http://www.let.rug.nl/~usa/E/noir/noir08.htm

Bullitt and the Police Film

Friday, 27 March 2009


The conventional behavior of police heroes, from their maverick
attitudinizing to their ubiquitous car chases, is so well established
that it is easy to forget how dramatically it departs from
the behavior of most police officers in literature or life. Police detectives
had existed as early in prose fiction as Dickens (Inspector Bucket
in Bleak House, 1852–3) and Wilkie Collins (Sergeant Cuff in The Moonstone,
1868); Georges Simenon’s indefatigable Inspector Maigret had
debuted in 1931; and Sidney Kingsley’s grindingly realistic play Detective
Story had premiered on Broadway in 1949. But the conventions
of the genre laid down by the Commander Gideon police-procedural
series of J. J. Marric (aka John Creasey) beginning in 1955, and by Cop
Hater, the first of Ed McBain’s 87th Precinct novels, the following year
were the emphasis on the daily routines of a given group of police officers,
rather than their rare dramatic breakthroughs, and on the presentation
of several overlapping cases simultaneously. Together these
two innovations conferred a soap-opera sense of endlessness on the
routines of McBain’s and Marric’s fictional police departments. These
cops struggle to bring each one of their assignments to a successful
conclusion as if the case in hand is uniquely important, even though
they know it will be followed by numberless further crimes. The emotional
keynote of literary cops is the sentiment expressed by Lt. Clancy
at the outset of Robert L. Pike’s novel Mute Witness (1963): “He was
tired and he knew it.”1 Like the soap-opera continuity of the police
squad, this tonality has been a hallmark of TV programs from Police
Story (1973–7), created by best-selling police novelist Joseph Wambaugh,
to Law and Order and NYPD Blue, but rarely of feature films.

Seldom have police films followed actual experiences of police officers
any more closely. Hollywood films regularly feature police heroes
as independent, despite their uniforms, as any private eye. When the
police outside Hollywood movies are seeking a criminal, their watchword
is routine, their most potent weapons are informants and databases,
and by far the most probable outcomes of their search are that
they will not find a likely suspect, or that they will find such a suspect,
arrest the suspect, and turn him or her over to the court system for
processing, arraignment, and trial. Both of these outcomes are highly
unlikely in most police films. Instead, loose-cannon cops from “G”
Men (1935) to The Rock (1996) typically pursue suspects in chase sequences
with guns blazing on both sides, leaving in their wake a high
body count and impressive property damage; and suspects, instead
of being taken into custody, tried, and convicted, are last seen snarling
their defiance or getting carried out in a body bag.

Most audiences’ nonmovie experiences of the police are remote
from this scenario, not only because police work is rarely as exciting
or as conclusive as Hollywood suggests, but because few citizens experience
police officers as crime-solving presences in their own lives.
Most of them encounter the police more often as minor public servants
or intimidating enforcers of traffic laws than as heroic solvers
of serious crimes. If it is true that most audiences are as afraid of the
police as Alfred Hitchcock claimed he was himself,2 then the heroic
cops Hollywood manufactures might seem designed specifically to allay
their fears. Even so, movies do not simply substitute viewers’ fear
of the police – which arises from their sense of themselves as potential
lawbreakers and their consequent hostility toward the laws they
may have broken and the justice system designed to punish them –
for these other attitudes, as Hitchcock, himself a shrewd creator of
movie cops, was the first to recognize. Instead, viewers bring to police
films a set of sharply ambivalent attitudes toward the heroes of the
law-enforcement establishment – an ambivalence on which privateeye
films capitalize by making the incompetent or corrupt police the
hero’s adversaries in the search for justice. Hollywood police officers
represent at once the human face of the law’s front lines and its most
threatening aspects, the vulnerability and the power of the justice system.
They evoke both audiences’ solicitude for the laws that make social
order possible and their skepticism about the failings of the law.
Throughout the history of the Hollywood police film, this ambivalence,
whereby audiences see themselves as both defenders and vic-
tims of law enforcement, plays out through a series of running debates
over the issues of power and justice. The peculiar status of police heroes,
who are both individuals and representatives of the social will,
makes their enabling myth social rather than psychological or transcendental:
that the police force’s institutional power coincides with
a shared ideal of social justice, so that, as in war movies, what George
N. Dove calls its “paramilitary” might makes right.3 Police films, assuming
that the power individual citizens have relinquished to all the
social institutions the police represent is moral and just despite their
potentially coercive force, endorse social conformity on the grounds
that centralized social power ultimately benefits all citizens because
the body of officers that enforce it is a representative microcosm of
the larger society. All police films take this assumption as their point
of departure, and most of them conclude by reaffirming it emphatically;
but virtually all police films call it into question sooner or later
as well by raising doubts about the efficacy of police power, the morality
of police justice, or the authority of police culture.

This ambivalence is powerfully figured by Detroit cop Alex J. Murphy
(Peter Weller), the half-man, half-machine law-enforcement hero
of RoboCop (1987). The cyborg is an especially apt figure for Hollywood
police officers because it shatters the apparent unity within
both their individual bodies and so many of the unitary metaphorical
bodies the police force as a corps of individuals and an incarnation
of social norms ideally incorporates. The ideal of professionalism, for
example, is as important a touchstone in police films as in private eye
films from The Maltese Falcon (1941) to Chinatown (1974), but it is defined
in terms of a more amorphous body of work to be done. Unlike
both amateur detectives and private eyes, the police do not choose
their cases; they are powerless to turn down a case they do not like,
and behind each case loom nothing but more cases. Hence the Hollywood
cop’s professionalism, unlike the private eye’s, is not pegged to
the body of any particular case but rather to a patient dedication to
whatever cases may arise, a constant availability for tedious or dangerous
front-line duty. The ubiquity of crime for the weary police is
made most explicit in the famous closing lines of The Naked City (1948)
– “There are eight million stories in the naked city. This has been one
of them.” – but it is acknowledged more briefly in any number of other
police films, for instance in the endings of The Big Heat (1953) and
Fort Apache, the Bronx (1981), which leave their heroes just as they
are embarking on new cases. Reimagining crime in RoboCop’s terms,
as an incessant social condition rather than an aberrant intrusion into
the apparently Edenic world of Murder on the Orient Express (1974) or
Blue Velvet (1986), recasts crime-solving heroes as more stoic organization
men (or women) whose heroism depends less on their individual
initiative than on their willingness to accept the challenges of a
world they did not make and cannot control.

Most stories of unofficial detectives and private eyes take the form
of mysteries whose solution is withheld from both readers and heroes.
In police films, mystery plays a much more minor role. For every whodunit
like Laura (1944) starring a police detective, there are a dozen
films like RoboCop, in which the police hero knows who is responsible
for the crimes he is investigating but is powerless to make an arrest.
Criminals are more often shown at work, and their identities more often
known to the police from the beginning, as in The Untouchables
(1987), which begins with a scene that establishes Al Capone (Robert
De Niro) as not only the man behind Chicago’s crime wars but simply
the most powerful man in the city. Questions about power are more
equivocal than questions about knowledge because power relationships,
unlike individual guilt, can never be definitively discovered;
they must be continually renegotiated. An enabling convention of detective
stories from Oedipus the King to Murder on the Orient Express
is that the truth shall set you free; that is, a community that faces the
darkest truths about itself will enjoy greater freedom and happiness
than a community that suppresses those truths. But police films,
which focus on power instead of knowledge, can offer no such assurance,
since, as Elliot Ness (Kevin Costner) learns in The Untouchables,
power can always be trumped by greater power without any necessary
moral sanction [Fig. 49].

The popular image of the police force is one of authoritarian power
most economically encapsulated in abbreviated references to the corporate
body of the police as “the force.” In movies like RoboCop and
The Untouchables, however, the police are frequently shown as powerless
before a greater malignant power. Jim Malone (Sean Connery),
the beat cop who takes Ness under his wing, is represented in life and
death by a talisman on his key chain, a medal depicting Saint Jude, the
patron saint of impossible causes; and on the face of it, a Hollywood
police officer’s job is indeed impossible, not only because cops are
confronted with supercriminals from Capone to Hannibal Lecter (Anthony
Hopkins) in The Silence of the Lambs (1991) and Hannibal (2001)
to John Doe (Kevin Spacey) in Se7en (1995), but because each case is
followed inevitably by an endless parade of other cases.

Nonetheless, viewers routinely assume the police will succeed.
Sometimes their confidence is justified by their knowledge of history,
as in The Untouchables, in which audiences’ awareness of how Capone
was actually brought down makes an ironic joke of the apparently
pointless efforts of Oscar Wallace (Charles Martin Smith) to prove Capone
guilty of tax evasion. Other times, audiences rely on internal foreshadowing
and narrative logic, as in One False Move (1991), in which
it is clear early on that the three criminals fleeing from Los Angeles to
faraway Star City, Arkansas, are actually running into the arms of the
law. Even when they have neither history nor any specific foreshadowing
to guide them, however, audiences’ experiences of films whose
stars are cast as police officers will be framed by their experience of
generic conventions in myriad earlier police films, which predict, with
remarkably few exceptions, the success of the police, at whatever
cost, in identifying and apprehending or destroying the criminals.
How can the job of policing be at once so hopeless and so assured
of success? This question mirrors a deeper contradiction in viewers’
attitudes toward the majesty of the law, their suspicion of the very legal
system they are counting on to protect their welfare. The opening
situation of most police films typically engages viewers’ fears of the
49. The Untouchables: Police power (Sean Connery, Kevin Costner) trumped
by the greater power of Al Capone’s bodyguards.

law’s powerlessness, the weakness of the authority that gives it moral
and legal force, and the resulting lawless chaos; the final resolution
reflects their confidence in the law and the justice of its tactics, however
violent, even lawless, they may seem. It is a primary task of police
films to mediate between these two attitudes, expressing audiences’
skeptical fears about the justice system while leaving them
ultimately confident in its workings.
The most obvious device for mediating between these two contradictory
attitudes is a plot that explains how the powerless police gain
enough power to challenge the apparently invincible criminals. This
reversal is trivialized in countless films that show that although the
bad guys have more guns, the good guys have better aim; but the moment
of reversal is often a pivotal moment in the police film. In both
versions of Scarface (1932, 1983), the criminal heroes are defeated by
the sheer numbers of the police. Since numbers alone rarely evoke
a sense of heroism, however, police films prefer to show their lawenforcement
heroes triumphing by virtue of their superior technology,
as in “G” Men and White Heat (1949), or superior teamwork, as
in The Untouchables and L.A. Confidential (1997), which sets a well-
50. L.A. Confidential: An ill-assorted police team (James Cromwell, Guy Pearce,
Russell Crowe, Kevin Spacey) that has not yet begun to work as a team.
organized gang of criminals against an initially disorganized gang of
police officers [Fig. 50]. Such films emphasize from the beginning
strengths implicit in the police, and by extension the communities
they represent and the authority that empowers them, by showing
these strengths developing out of earlier weaknesses. Alternatively,
instead of showing the police growing stronger, films may show the
criminals growing weaker, as in police officers’ use of variously complicit
informers or the criminals’ confessions. Such films, which predicate
the power of the police on the weakness of criminal transgressors,
more disturbingly compromise the duality between the police
and the criminals by emphasizing the dependence of police work on
the weakness or even the active collusion of criminals like John Doe
in Se7en [Fig. 51].

The ideal police force would be as perfect in its justice as in its power
over criminals, and a founding convention of the police movie is the
alliance of police power with social justice. But most police movies follow
victim movies like Fury (1936) and private-eye movies like Chinatown
in challenging this convention, usually by giving the police hero
a personal stake in the case at hand because the criminal has either
breached the sanctity of his domestic sphere (The Devil’s Own, 1997)
or killed his partner (The Narrow Margin, 1952) or taken his wife hostage
(Die Hard, 1988) or left him for dead (RoboCop). Such a personal
stake makes the hero’s pursuit of the villain more compelling for the
audience than the abstract conflict between social good and transgressive
evil. At the same time, however, emphasizing the officer’s personal
interest in the case unmasks the status of institutional justice
as institutionalized revenge more interested in repaying insults and injuries
than in restoring the social order. To what extent is justice anything
more than vengeance sanctioned by superior power? This question,
which has troubled Western literature at least since Aeschylus’
Oresteia nearly twenty-five hundred years ago, is at the heart of the
police film.

The most obvious challenge to the alliance of police power and institutional
justice is the figure of the corrupt cop, who has fascinated
Sidney Lumet in Serpico (1973), Prince of the City (1981), Q & A (1990),
and Night Falls on Manhattan (1996). Equally dangerous are the loosecannon
cops like fanatical Pete Davis (Ray Liotta) in Unlawful Entry
(1992), whose dedication to their mandate to serve and protect goes
too far. Human emotions of any sort, from greed to desire, threaten
to compromise the Hollywood cop’s prescribed dedication to ideals
of justice.

Police officers who embody motives above suspicion, by contrast,
are routinely cast as loners. The lonely isolation of the Hollywood cop
is the most immutable of all the genre’s conventions. Police officers
in movies never have happy, stable family lives for long. Hurricane Dixon
(Bill Paxton) in One False Move is hiding from his wife and daughter
his sexual involvement with one of the criminals he is hoping to
capture; Elliot Ness has to rush his wife and daughter out of Chicago
in The Untouchables after they are threatened by Frank Nitti (Billy
Drago); the wife of Dave Bannion (Glenn Ford) is killed by a car bomb
intended for him in The Big Heat; Det. Jim McLeod (Kirk Douglas) ends
up investigating his own wife in Detective Story (1951). More often, the
hero is a loner from the beginning, a man whose private life is deviant,
dysfunctional, or nonexistent. The hero of Tightrope (1984), New Orleans
Police Inspector Wes Block (Clint Eastwood), has sexual tastes
as kinky, though not as homicidal, as those of the killer he is chasing
[Fig. 52], and LAPD detective Vincent Hanna (Al Pacino) is just as
obsessive as the thief Neil McCauley (Robert De Niro) he is paired
against in Heat (1995) [Fig. 53]. Even the more gentlemanly Mark Mc-
Pherson (Dana Andrews), the lead detective in Laura, has no better
way to spend his nights than to return to a murder scene and stare at
the painting of a dead woman. Like the western hero, the police hero
is deprived of a domestic life in order to marginalize him from the social
body he is supposed to be defending, even as his alienation reinforces
his professional dedication.

For such heroes, whose dedication often amounts to an obsession,
the ultimate isolation is estrangement from their professional colleagues,
and most police films isolate their heroes in exactly this way.
The isolation is often institutional, emphasizing the conflicts between
the executive branch of the law the police represent and the legislative
and judicial branches. Legislators, lawyers, and judges, like cops
themselves in private-eye movies, are often cast as the real enemies
of society because they will not give investigative agencies the power
they need (the FBI agents in “G” Men have to petition Congress for the
right to carry firearms) or because they are so ready to stand up for
52. Tightrope: Wes Block (Clint Eastwood), a cop whose demonstration of
handcuffs to Beryl Thibodeaux (Geneviève Bujold) hints at sexual tastes that
are as kinky as those of the criminal he is chasing.
the rights of suspects, rather than the conflicting rights of the larger
society, that they help obviously guilty suspects go free.
Often, the heroes’ isolation is both institutional and personal, as
when Arizona deputy sheriff Walt Coogan (Clint Eastwood) pursues a
suspect to the urban jungles of New York in Coogan’s Bluff (1968), or
when Clarice Starling (Jodie Foster), the FBI-trainee heroine of The
Silence of the Lambs, feels estranged from her boss, Jack Crawford
(Scott Glenn), both because he is a full-fledged agent and because he
is a man, as he reminds her by his thoughtlessly sexist behavior at a
backwoods autopsy. Lt. Ed Exley (Guy Pearce) and Sgt. Wendell “Bud”
White (Russell Crowe), the two heroes of L.A. Confidential, are feuding
over the ambitious Exley’s testimony and White’s refusal to testify
against the officers who rioted during Exley’s brief stint as watch commander.
The Los Angeles cops staking out Star City, Arkansas, in One
False Move look down their noses at Hurricane Dixon, the countryboy
sheriff who dreams of hitting “the big time” by joining the LAPD.
The most radical isolation between police heroes and their world
is achieved by driving a wedge between them and the corruption of
53. Heat: A historic pairing of Al Pacino and Robert De Niro as a cop and his
equally obsessive criminal double.

untrustworthy colleagues in their own departments. In The Big Heat,
Dave Bannion runs so far afoul of his superiors in investigating the
death of a bent cop that he is driven from the force to become the dispenser
of his own brand of vigilante justice; only the timely intervention
of disillusioned gun moll Debby Marsh (Gloria Grahame), who
does him the service of killing blackmailing cop-widow Bertha Duncan
(Jeanette Nolan), saves him from becoming a murderer himself. Movies
like Serpico, Witness (1985), and Cop Land (1997) set their cleancut
heroes at odds with corruption on a grand scale, modeling the few
cops who are not on the take on the private eyes who would be their
enemies in The Maltese Falcon and Chinatown. Each of these three
films marks its hero’s physical body off from the body of untrustworthy
colleagues arrayed against him. Cop Land casts beefcake Sylvester
Stallone against type as paunchy and partially deaf [Fig. 54]. Serpico
shows Al Pacino, first seen in his well-pressed uniform graduating
from the police academy, growing increasingly scruffy and bearded,
looking more and more like the lowlifes he is supposed to be catching
and less and less like the well-groomed but crooked colleagues who
54. Cop Land: Sylvester Stallone as a paunchy Everyman. (Robert De Niro,
Stallone)
are supposed to be backing him up. Witness shows wounded Philadelphia
cop John Book (Harrison Ford) dressed in Amish clothing as he
preaches nonviolence to the corrupt colleague who, hearing of this
supposedly Amish farmer’s telltale fistfight, has left the big city to find
and kill him.

These films, which fracture the unity that might be expected to prevail
among all police officers, help to explain why, unlike movies in
which cops figure only marginally, police films rarely show their heroes
in the uniforms that express their professional solidarity. More
often, they blur the distinction between the police gang and the criminal
gang in order to recast the solitary heroic cop in the mold of the
lone-wolf private eye who can be trusted precisely because he is not
part of the corrupt establishment. The ironic result is that police officers,
the very embodiment of the justice system’s threateningly monolithic
power in private-eye films, often feel hopelessly alienated from
or victimized by the system they are supposed to incarnate when they
are the heroes of their own movies.

The most common remedy for this disaffection is the camaraderie
cops conventionally share with their partners in films like Lethal Weapon
(1987) and its sequels, which show the overlapping influence of the
buddy film; but relations between partners even as close as detective
sergeants Martin Riggs (Mel Gibson) and Roger Murtaugh (Danny
Glover) are typically marked by conflict [Fig. 55]. Quarrels between
oil-and-water cops forced into partnering each other are a staple figure
of films as different as The Laughing Policeman (1974), Dragnet
(1987), Rising Sun (1993), and Rush Hour (1998). More serious are the
moral and jurisdictional disputes between the virtuous Mexican narcotics
cop Ramon Miguel “Mike” Vargas (Charlton Heston) and the
high-handed American Capt. Hank Quinlan (Orson Welles) in Touch of
Evil (1958), and the fights over turf and tactics between Ed Exley and
Bud White, two of the few Los Angeles cops who are not dirty, in L.A.
Confidential.

Still more disturbingly, police movies often raise questions about
police justice by presenting dedicated cops pushed to, and sometimes
over, the edge. Det. Sgt. Mark Dixon (Dana Andrews) spends most of
the running time of Where the Sidewalk Ends (1950) trying to cover
up his accidental killing of a robbery suspect. On Dangerous Ground
(1952) shows Jim Wilson (Robert Ryan) hounding a young criminal
from the city to the countryside, and ultimately to his death. As the
punch line of his seven-deadly-sins series of murders, John Doe, the
villain of Se7en, kills the wife of David Mills (Brad Pitt), one of the two
detectives on his trail, out of his envy of Mills, goading Mills into killing
Doe himself out of wrath. Even clean-cut Elliot Ness, moments after
pulling Frank Nitti to safety in The Untouchables, throws him off a rooftop
when Nitti brags that he will never do time for killing Jim Malone.
Mills and Ness, dazed with shock and grief, kill Doe and Nitti out of an
anger and hatred fostered by their job that has become too personal;
but Wilson and Dixon cause the deaths of the criminals in their films
out of professional obsessions, workaholism run amok.

The ultimate example of professional dedication gone wrong is the
police officer as vigilante killer, the conceit behind Magnum Force
(1973), in which Harry Callahan (Clint Eastwood) sheds his normal
quasi-vigilante role to battle an even more murderously vigilante wing
of the San Francisco Police Department. But the opposite conceit is
equally familiar: the undercover police officer whose success and survival
depend on playing a role that represents the opposite of his or
her true nature, as Hank Fallon (Edmond O’Brien) worms his way into
the confidence of his cellmate Cody Jarrett (James Cagney) in White
Heat by taking over the nurturing, reassuring role of Cody’s late moth-
55. Lethal Weapon 3: Comic conflict between oil-and-water cops (Mel Gibson,
Danny Glover).
er despite his personal revulsion from Cody. The most memorable recent
portrayals of undercover cops have emphasized the destructive
conflicts between their institutional loyalties and the requirements of
their criminal roles. Donnie Brasco (1997) turns on the unwilling betrayal
by undercover cop Joe Pistone (Johnny Depp) of his trusting
mentor Lefty, played with elegiac dignity by the iconic Al Pacino [Fig.
56]. Rush (1991) plunges rookie narcotics officer Kristen Cates (Jennifer
Jason Leigh) into a nightmarishly successful masquerade when she
gets hooked not only on heroin but also on her undercover partner,
Raynor (Jason Patric). Most searing of all is Reservoir Dogs (1992),
which sets its jewel thieves’ insistent professionalism against the
growing intimacy between one of their leading figures, Mr. White (Harvey
Keitel), and the mortally wounded Mr. Orange (Tim Roth). As the
film gradually reveals, both the police and the criminals are so deeply
immersed in a culture of violence that it is only by violent actions –
playfully scrapping with each other like puppies, accusing each other
of betrayal, defending each other at gunpoint, taking hostages – that
they can establish any connection with each other.

Even police officers who stay on the right side of the law can fall
under suspicion, such as James “Brick” Davis (James Cagney), the
rookie FBI agent whose background as a lawyer educated by a mobster
patron makes his FBI superior Jeff McCord (Robert Armstrong)
constantly suspicious of him in “G” Men. One False Move’s Hurricane
Dixon is forever compromised by his long-ago seduction of African-
American shoplifter Lila Walker (Cynda Williams) and his refusal to
acknowledge her son Byron as his own – acts that fostered Lila’s criminal
rebirth as Fantasia, whose drug-dealing friends provoke a tide of
violence that challenges the self-congratulatory good-versus-evil dichotomies
on which Hurricane has built his comfortable life. “G” Men
and One False Move, like all police films, feed on audiences’ anxieties
about power and justice, which occupy the same central position in
police films as heterosexual male audiences’ psychosexual anxieties
in private-eye films. “G” Men, produced at a time when a strong executive
branch under President Franklin Roosevelt was attempting to
pull the nation out of widespread economic chaos, and released with
the imprimatur of FBI director J. Edgar Hoover, mounts a spirited defense
of the recent empowerment of FBI agents and their moral authority.
The most problematic police films appear at times when the
police, and institutional authority generally, are under suspicion, and
especially when these suspicions are rooted in still deeper genera-
tional conflicts concerning authority and the law. The crucial period
in the Hollywood police film is the late 1960s and early 1970s, not only
because it is a period of unprecedented economic freedom and formal
experimentation in American films generally,4 but because a spate of
rioting in Watts (1965), Detroit (1967), Newark (1967), and on innumerable
college campuses – culminating in the National Guard’s killing
of four students at Ohio’s Kent State University (1970) – fed public debate
about both police tactics and the legitimacy of the government
they represented.

Three films – Bullitt (1968), Dirty Harry (1971), and The French Connection
(1971) – focus this debate indelibly. All three feature rogue
cops who are at odds with judges, lawyers, politicians, and their own
bosses or colleagues. All three express skepticism about institutional
power and justice by asking when law-enforcement officers are justified
in breaking the law in order to uphold the moral law that gives
legal laws their authority, and all three conclude by endorsing the vigilante
cop over the system that has failed them and the society they
are sworn to protect. What distinguishes the three films from each
other is the strikingly different attitudes they adopt toward their rogue
heroes.

The most straightforward of the three is William Friedkin’s The
French Connection because its attitude toward its hero is the easiest
to understand. Jimmy “Popeye” Doyle (Gene Hackman) is the unlikeliest
defender of the law imaginable, a nightmare vision of the modern
urban cop designed to appeal to viewers’ most paranoid fantasies
about the police. As he moves through a New York landscape Martin
Rubin aptly describes as “relentlessly drab, sordid, ugly – a virtual
wasteland,”5 it becomes obvious that Popeye, like Hank Quinlan in
Touch of Evil, is a great detective but a lousy cop, a man whose obsessively
honed skill in detective work has destroyed whatever social
instincts he may have had – instincts that may well be a luxury modern
police officers, beset alike by resourceful drug dealers and widespread
drug use even among movie audiences, can no longer afford.
Popeye’s social responsibilities are so impossible, and his single moral
imperative of chasing criminals until he catches them is so inadequate,
it is no wonder that, in the film’s most celebrated sequence, he
is nearly as heedless of the law as the killer he chases through streets
and subways crowded with innocent bystanders, many of whom become
casualties of the chase.

If Popeye is the nightmare cop hopelessly at odds with his department
and the society he is sworn to protect, Inspector Harry Callahan
(Clint Eastwood),6 in Don Siegel’s Dirty Harry, is a more even-handed
representation of the officer who is not afraid to take the law into his
own hands. Universally reviled by his superiors and the mayor of San
Francisco, Harry is still the cop they call on when a extortionist sniper
calling himself Scorpio (Andy Robinson) begins killing citizens virtually
at random and demands a payment of $100,000 to stop. The film’s
suggestion that Harry, though he may look no better than Scorpio at
first, is actually his opposite is developed by the shifting contexts in
which its title comes up. When Harry’s new partner, Chico Gonzalez
(Reni Santori), first asks the other cops how Harry got his nickname,
a colleague tells him, “Harry hates everyone.” Later, Chico decides
that an episode of opportunistic voyeurism – Harry interrupts their
pursuit of Scorpio to peek through a window at a lovemaking couple
– explains his nickname. Still later, after Harry has saved a would-be
suicide from jumping off a building by punching him into submission,
he tells Chico, “Now you know why they call me Dirty Harry – every
dirty job that comes along.” Finally, as Lt. Bressler (Harry Guardino)
is laying down dangerous restrictions for the blackmail payment, Chico
tells him, “No wonder they call him Dirty Harry. Always gets the
shit end of the stick.” What originally seemed like Harry’s personal
dirt becomes, on reflection, society’s dirt; he has been tarred with it
only because he is forced to shovel it every day. Especially in view
of the film’s factual basis,7 the revelation changes Harry from the “pig
bastard” Scorpio calls him to the messianic answer to real-life San
Francisco’s prayers, the one man who has the sense and the guts to
say, when he’s told that his torture of Scorpio and his unauthorized
search of his room have broken the law: “Well, then, the law is crazy!”
Though Harry and Popeye are the two best-known examples of loosecannon
cops in Hollywood history, Lt. Frank Bullitt is more problematic
than either of them, not only because he is the progenitor that
makes their films possible, but because his film, by presenting him as
the most unexceptionally heroic of the three of them, raises the most
difficult questions about the audience’s ambivalence toward the law.
No one at Warner Bros., the studio that released Bullitt, expected such
ambiguities from the film’s director, Peter Yates, a British stage veteran
making his Hollywood directorial debut, even though Yates’s subsequent
career would mark him as one of the most enduringly unpredictable
of Hollywood directors. Denied auteur status because of the lack
of thematic or stylistic unity in such commercial projects as For Pete’s
Sake (1974), Mother, Jugs & Speed (1976), and The Deep (1977), or even
in the three films written by Steve Tesich – the offbeat teen comedy
Breaking Away (1979), the janitorial noir Eyewitness (1981), and the
historical docudrama Eleni (1985) – Yates has consistently subordinated
himself to his stars in the emotionally charged backstage theatrics
of The Dresser (1983), the legal thrills of Suspect (1987), and the tearjerking
generational wisdom of Roommates (1995).

Warners hired Yates to turn Robert L. Pike’s novel Mute Witness into
an action vehicle for its star, Steve McQueen, whose company, Solar
Productions, produced the film. A familiar presence on American
screens ever since The Blob (1958) and the television series Wanted:
Dead or Alive, which began its run the same year, McQueen had shot
to stardom as the action heroes of The Magnificent Seven (1960) and
The Great Escape (1963). Coolly charismatic onscreen and off, Mc-
Queen charmed fans in the 1960s and 1970s as a loner of preternatural
silence and bodily repose, even in the most strenuous action sequences,
who filled his holidays by racing cars and motorcycles and
did his own stunt work in The Great Escape. In Bullitt, which sent Mc-
Queen to the top of the Hollywood box-office list, he is cast in his most
enduringly popular role, the thinking man’s (and woman’s) action star,
but one whose body, like those of so many of his other roles, incarnates
a world of contradictions.

McQueen’s star persona demanded that the lead role be radically
reshaped for him. Pike’s hero, Lt. Clancy, is a lonely, weary New York
cop already on the outs with his nemesis, Assistant District Attorney
Chalmers, who got him transferred out of his old precinct after Clancy
shot a prosecution witness who came at him with a gun. Burdened
with a reputation as “trigger-happy,”8 Clancy is still detailed to protect
a West Coast mobster who has agreed to come east and testify for
Chalmers. The hero Pike created would have been perfectly suited for
Gene Hackman or Clint Eastwood; veteran screenwriter Harry Kleiner
and newcomer Alan R. Trustman retooled the character, now renamed
Lt. Frank Bullitt, for McQueen by giving him an understated heroism
that first brings him to Chalmers’s attention. Clancy and his world are
as ordinary as possible; Bullitt and his world are both ordinary and
subtly glamorized. In shifting the scene from New York to San Francisco,
Kleiner and Trustman provided a surprisingly large number of
roles for African Americans but deracinated the ethnically shaded colleagues
Pike had given his hero and created a more romantic setting
for him, memorably photographed by William A. Fraker – a setting
with the potential for a chase sequence as unforgettable as Popeye
Doyle’s.

The film begins with a dark screen, a visual homage to noir that is
soon filled with a nocturnal cityscape whose neon lights prominently
feature the word “Chicago.” The credit sequence, which shows a mob
break-in at the offices of John and Peter Ross, is edited so elliptically
that it is nearly impossible to tell what is happening until the sequence’s
only line of dialogue: “He’s your brother, Pete. If you can’t
find him, we have people who will. And you’re paying for the contract.”
But a cut to a high overhead shot of San Francisco establishes
another world. The California exteriors are routinely sun-drenched
and saturated in color, and shadows uniformly crisp, unlike those in
the city’s foggy, smoggy real-life prototype. Even when the film treats
the streets of San Francisco as a maze of urban canyons, as it frequently
does, they look picturesque rather than claustrophobic. The noirish
world of Chicago mobsters the credit sequence so economically
evoked is nothing but a tease – and so is that threatening remark
about Pete Ross’s brother, and indeed the following sequence, in
which a man enters a hotel asking for Johnny Ross’s mail.
Immediately thereafter, Bullitt is sought by Walter Chalmers (Robert
Vaughn) to protect Johnny Ross (Felice Orlandi), a witness who is testifying
in a Senate subcommittee hearing against the Chicago mob because,
as Bullitt’s boss, Capt. Sam Bennett (Simon Oakland), tells him,
“You make good copy, Frank. The papers love you,” and Chalmers
wants to associate himself with a popular and successful officer in his
political plans. Though he disapproves of Chalmers’s arrangements to
safeguard Ross by installing him in a room at the seedy Hotel Reynolds,
whose big windows open to a freeway outside, Bullitt accepts
the job. But Stanton (Carl Reindel), the officer on the graveyard shift,
is gunned down and Ross critically wounded by a pair of assassins
Ross has just let into the room himself by surreptitiously slipping the
chain lock, setting Bullitt at odds with Chalmers, his true adversary,
for the rest of the film.

The clash between the two men is presented as a battle of ideologies.
Chalmers’s top priority is clear: to get Ross’s testimony. He presents
the image of the law enforcer as politician, sensitive only to
public opinion and his own chances for publicity and power. Bullitt’s
priorities are more personal and mutable. His first priority, Stanton’s
survival, switches to a second as soon as doctors assure him that
Stanton is out of danger: waiting for Ross to regain consciousness so
that he can ask him why he unlatched the door to his hotel room. In
both cases, Bullitt’s underlying concern is for the welfare of his own
men, who have been betrayed by the man they were supposed to protect,
a concern that emerges starkly in his confrontation with Chalmers
at the hospital. Their argument swiftly degenerates into a battle
over who was responsible for the attack, the officers who let down
their guard or the informer who knew where to send the killers.
What is most remarkable about this confrontation is a question that
haunts the whole film. Given the diametrically opposed views of the
law’s responsibilities it presents, why do audiences invariably take
Bullitt’s side? On the face of it, Chalmers’s view seems more generous
and unselfish: If Ross testifies, the Organization and its criminal activities
will collapse. By contrast, Bullitt is interested only in looking after
the welfare of his own colleague, finding out who had him shot, and,
after Ross dies without regaining consciousness, switching to a third
priority: pretending Ross is still alive and in hiding in order to draw
the killers out into the open instead of letting Chalmers shut down the
case. Although Bullitt’s view seems both narrower and more punitive,
viewers never fail to adopt it as their own, treating Chalmers throughout
the film as a thorn in the side of Bullitt’s more high-minded idealism.
This problem does not arise in The French Connection because
Friedkin’s film makes such a clear distinction between Popeye’s finely
honed detective intuitions and his lack of conscience that audiences
have no trouble distinguishing between his professional heroism and
his social bankruptcy. The problem is central to Dirty Harry, but it is
more simply resolved by the film’s contention that laws arising from
the Miranda ruling have unfairly hamstrung law-enforcement officials
who, whatever their excesses, deserve better laws to enforce. Dirty
Harry may load its cop’s case against a dangerously liberal judiciary,
but it is essentially a logical case.

Bullitt, by contrast, establishes its police hero’s moral credentials
more indirectly, for example, by reserving to him the role of detective
along with the customary role of avenger. Although the film shows the
faces of the hit men early on, it does not reveal who hired them, or
how their employer knew where to find Johnny Ross. Keeping this
information secret is crucial to the film’s sympathetic presentation
of Bullitt, for it makes him, like Hercule Poirot and J. J. Gittes, the only
character who is committed to finding out the truth the film tantalizingly
withholds from the audience.

More pervasively, the film invites audiences to side with Bullitt
through a visual logic that builds on the contrast between darkly deceptive
Chicago and sunny, scenic, but equally violent San Francisco.
Even in his first, and his only cordial, scene with Chalmers, Bullitt is
set against the oily political climber and his equally well-dressed party
guests by his informal black turtleneck, nondescript jacket, and rumpled
raincoat. If Chalmers is clearly identified with a sanctimonious
upper class, however, Bullitt’s proletarian status is far more ambiguous
than that of his fictional prototype, Lt. Clancy. The film gives him
an improbably beautiful and exotic girlfriend as a mark of his sophistication.
Just before the attack on Johnny Ross, Bullitt and Cathy
(Jacqueline Bisset) enjoy an evening at the Coffee Cantata in a sublimely
1960s dinner-date sequence that showcases Bullitt as a man
who, despite his proletarian job, can appreciate the finer things in life.
Clearly he is a political outsider by choice and temperamental inclination,
not by maladjustment, inadequacy, or social deprivation.

A closer look at Bullitt’s body (one the film is happy to provide
through a much greater number of full shots than any other character
gets) shows that he is not Chalmers’s opposite but rather a uniquely
pansocial figure who alone can mediate between the untrustworthy
world of political power Chalmers represents and the equally treacherous
lowlife world of Johnny Ross, the fleabag hotel where Chalmers
stashes him, and the unnamed hit men (the only characters in the film
even more laconic than Bullitt) who come after him. Straddling the
space between equally dangerous enemies above and below him on
the social scale would seem to be a perilous activity, yet Bullitt seems
completely at home in his job, largely because he seems so completely
at home in his body. After introducing him in bed, the film shows him
in the first of many full shots, sleepy but eminently self-contained,
wearing camouflage pajamas that identify him with American soldiers
dutifully fighting the politicians’ war in Vietnam while erasing any specific
marks of his own social class. Bullitt might seem scarcely more
civilized than Popeye Doyle when he purchases a pile of frozen TV
dinners at a local grocery store, ignoring a produce sign that says
“fresh today.” But his purposeful movements in stacking the dinners,
reflected later in the rows of sweaters neatly arranged in his apartment,
are so graceful and economical that he avoids the specifically
proletarian associations of Popeye’s primitive home life or Harry Callahan’s
Robert Hall outfits.

The narrow line Bullitt walks between proletarianism and saintly
purity is challenged most sharply not by Chalmers, whose attempts
to seize the moral high ground are undermined by his own transparently
self-serving hypocrisy, but by Cathy, whose pointed questions
to her lover after she has stumbled over a female corpse Bullitt has
found in San Mateo in his investigation of Ross’s movements (“Do you
let anything reach you – really reach you? Or are you so used to it by
now that nothing really touches you? . . . How can you be part of it
without becoming more and more callous? Your world is so far from
the one I know. What will happen to us in time?”) mark the only time
anyone ever penetrates Bullitt’s still façade even momentarily. Often
gruff but never raising his voice, he keeps his distance from other
characters by maintaining a self-contained silence. Building on Mc-
Queen’s legendary screen persona of stoic understatement, the film,
for all the excitement of its action sequences, presents Bullitt’s normal
mode as the Zenlike repose of the tightrope walker, so that his silence,
which resonates throughout several long sequences without dialogue,
again seems to express deliberate choice rather than inarticulateness
or social incapacity. When his partner Det. Sgt. Delgetti (Don Gordon)
first arrives at Bullitt’s apartment with his assignment, the two men
exchange hardly a word because they do not need to talk. Later, Bullitt
looks steadily into the eyes of Stanton’s wife over his hospital bed,
but he says nothing because there is nothing to say. Stanton was betrayed,
but not by Bullitt, who is committed to doing everything he
can, even if it means breaking the law, to find and punish the killers.
The complex nature of the audience’s attachment to Bullitt – the
combination of admiration for his dedication, acceptance of his hooded
emotional remoteness, dependence on his detective powers, hatred
of his enemies, and respect for his physical self-possession that
the film invites – is essential to the success of the film’s most famous
addition to Pike’s novel, a car chase over the hills of San Francisco.
Although this chase both lacks the kinetic intensity and the moral
complexity of the chase sequence in The French Connection, it illustrates
even better than William Friedkin’s sequence why car chases
have been staples of police films from “G” Men to RoboCop, from White
Heat to Heat.

Of all the different kinds of crime film, police films depend most on
establishing ongoing moral tensions that need to be periodically dissipated.
Pitting good cops against evil killers allows the audience to take
sides unreflectively, waiving for the moment the more complex problems
that are raised, for instance, by the conflict between Bullitt’s and
Chalmers’s views of the law. Moreover, police films feature a hero who
is always potentially in danger, so that the dangers of the chase express
the dangers implicit in every move the hero makes, as in the
suspenseful earlier episode in which Bullitt chases one of the killers
through the hospital basement while trying to avoid getting killed himself
[Fig. 57]. Police films can use chases to remind the audience of
the closeness between the police heroes and the world they are protecting,
from the nightscapes of Chicago to the hills of San Francisco,
even as they exploit that world’s potential as an exotic mise-en-scène.
Police films, emphasizing questions of power over questions of knowledge,
can use chases to dramatize the difficulties of catching identifiable
criminals, or to transform the question of whodunit into the
question of “howcatchem”9 by having the chase reveal the criminals’
identities. Police films permit extended chases between criminals who
cannot afford to be captured and police pursuers who will take thrill-
ing risks to capture them because they are all too used to cutting legal
corners in the course of their job.

Yates controls the tension of Bullitt’s chase sequence not only by
prolonging it to ten minutes without dialogue but by dividing it into
four distinct segments: (1) the two minutes during which the killers
tail Bullitt’s car to a menacing saxophone cue; (2) the one minute of
cat-and-mouse reversal after Bullitt shakes them and turns up behind
them; (3) the three minutes, signaled by the cutting off of the music
in a roar of revving engines, of Bullitt’s high-speed pursuit of the hit
57. Bullitt: The athletic hero (Steve McQueen) chases his ostensible enemy
through the hospital.

men through city streets, accompanied only by diegetic sound effects
that emphasize the physical immediacy of the chase without telling
viewers how to feel about it; and (4) the four minutes after the two
cars leave the city’s hills for a highway on which they must swerve to
avoid oncoming cars while trading shots and trying to run each other
off the road. The sequence depends throughout on the contrast
between the hit men’s anonymous black sedan and Bullitt’s stylish
Mustang, which functions as an extension of his body – tenacious, vulnerable
to gunfire, but as triumphantly youthful, individual, and charismatic
as James Bond’s Aston Martin.

The effect of this sequence is express and relieve through a physical
catharsis the moral and psychological tension of the film’s conflict
between Bullitt and the absent Chalmers and to dispel the threat
posed by the two killers, but at the same time to preserve and intensify
the mystery of who hired them and how they knew where to find
Ross. From beginning to end, the chase is structured by a progressive
simplification, as the deceptively subtle tailing of each party by the
other yields to the no-holds-barred chase that rejects deception for
lethal force.10 This progression tells audiences it is time, and suggests
that it is morally appropriate, to exchange the ethical subtleties of Bullitt’s
argument with Chalmers about moral responsibility for the simpler
satisfactions of rooting for the good guy against the bad guys,
even as the final image of the burning gunmen preserves the mystery
of how they got to Johnny Ross. The chase sequence transforms viewers’
experience from the ideational commitment of rooting for Bullitt
to the kinesthetic sensation of holding their breath on his account
without resolving the moral problems implicit in identifying with law
enforcers rather than lawmakers.
Although the film will provide Bullitt with still another extended
chase after his ultimate prey – the wily Johnny Ross, who paid a double
he intended to have killed at the Hotel Reynolds to throw both the
mob and the law off his trail – the film’s unsettlingly wordless epilogue,
its most audacious addition to (or subtraction from) the crime genre,
deprives the film of its obligatory conclusion, the detective hero’s explanation
of the evidence. The closest to such an explanation the film
comes is Bullitt’s earlier riposte to Chalmers’s demand for a public
statement from him that Ross died in Bullitt’s custody: “You sent us
to guard the wrong man, Mr. Chalmers.”
The film’s true climax is not Bullitt’s killing of Johnny Ross or his
nonexplanation of the mystery, but his final confrontation with the
unapologetic Chalmers, who attempts to press his claim on the tarnished
Ross’s testimony by telling Bullitt that even though his star witness
has now been proved a killer who faked his own death, he is still
determined to get him to testify [Fig. 58]. “The Organization – several
murders – could all do us both a great deal of good,” he adds. “We both
know how careers are made. Integrity is something you sell the public.
. . . We must all compromise,” with a scorchingly quiet reply: “Bullshit.
Get the hell out of here now.” By this time, Bullitt’s emphatic rhetoric
(the word “bullshit” was rarely heard in 1968 movies) on behalf
of the pancultural cachet of law enforcement over the rule of law the
film reserves to the gratingly upper-class Chalmers and his minions is
backed by the dangerous physical actions that gives his words their
authority.

Why should viewers trust such an enduringly laconic and selfcontained
hero rather than his superiors and counterparts in the legislature
and judiciary? The film gives him an integrity it denies his superiors,
a personal concern for his professional colleagues, and just
enough proletarian markers to establish him as a working stiff doing
his job even as it glamorizes the hero, his hometown, and his job at
58. Bullitt: The self-contained hero (Steve McQueen) confronts his real enemy,
the hypocritical prosecutor (Robert Vaughn), at the airport.
any number of strategic moments. Like films from “G” Men to One
False Move, Bullitt, with its hero who is both emphatically middle-class
and essentially classless, links the contrary drives toward individual
empowerment and communal welfare it is the work of the police film
to unite.

Crime Films/Thomas Leitch/ http://www.cambridge.org

Historical and Cultural Overview


The roots of the crime film go back far beyond the invention of
the movies. Criminals have exercised a particular fascination
for the literary imagination whenever social orders have been
in flux. Shakespeare’s great villains – Aaron the Moor, Richard III, King
John, Iago, Edmund, Macbeth – are self-made men who seize opportunities
for advancement that would never have arisen in a medieval
world whose divinely ordained sense of social order seems to reign,
for example, at the beginning of Richard II.1 Criminals, even if they
end up as kings, are precisely those people who overstep the bounds
appointed by their status at birth, striving each “to rise above the station
to which he was born.”2 With the waning of the notion that the
social and economic status of kings and peasants alike reflect an eternal,
God-given order comes the suspicion that some people may be
occupying social places they have no right to – a suspicion that produces
the rise of the criminal in literature.
Criminals in American literature are as old as American literature
itself. The first important novel to appear in the United States, Charles
Brockden Brown’s Wieland; or, The Transformation (1798), is a supernaturally
tinged tale of crime that goes far to anticipate the anxieties
of film noir in its sense of gathering doom. Half a century later Herman
Melville produced an even more memorable portrait of a protean
riverboat swindler in The Confidence-Man: His Masquerade (1857). The
early American writer most immutably associated with crime, however,
is Edgar Allan Poe. Only a few years after Sir Robert Peel began
England’s Bow Street Runners as the world’s first official police force,
Poe presented the ideally cerebral detective in three short stories:

“The Murders in the Rue Morgue” (1841), “The Mystery of Marie Rôget”
(1842), and “The Purloined Letter” (1844). These stories, all featuring
the reclusive Chevalier Auguste Dupin, have made Poe universally
hailed as the father of the detective story.
Dupin, though the only recurring character in Poe’s fiction, nevertheless
plays a minor role in that fiction as a whole. The Poe of the
popular imagination (and the Poe of innumerable Hollywood horror
extravaganzas) is the high priest of Gothic horror. Although horror in
Poe has many sources – the fear of being watched by a malign presence,
communication with the dead, states of consciousness between
life and death (dream, hypnosis, suspended animation, possession by
the dead), the possibility of burial alive, the horror of maiming or dismemberment
– none of them is richer than the psychopathology of
the criminal mind. Poe is the first writer to explore systematically the
proposition that the ability to imagine an action acts as a powerful inducement
to complete it, regardless of the disastrous consequences.
Hence his criminals, from Egaeus, who breaks into his fiancée’s tomb
to extract her teeth in “Berenice” (1835), to the anonymous killers of
“The Black Cat” (1843) and “The Tell-Tale Heart” (1843), are typically
driven to crimes they neither understand nor assent to; when these
crimes succeed, they are driven, equally irrationally, to confess, as in
“William Wilson” (1839), “The Imp of the Perverse” (1845), and “The
Cask of Amontillado” (1846). It is no coincidence that Poe is noted
both as the inventor of the detective hero and as the preeminent
American literary explorer of criminal psychology. In Poe’s nightmare
world, Dupin, who is given many of the characteristics of Poe’s criminals
(misogynistic reclusiveness, a love of night and mystery, an ability
to identify with the criminals he is seeking), represents a uniquely
successful attempt to impose through a strenuous effort of will what
his author calls “ratiocination” on an imaginative world that is generally
irrational in its cosmology and criminal in its morality.
One reason Dupin, unlike his successor Sherlock Holmes, spawned
no imitators and no immediate legacy is that his import is so abstractly
philosophical, so little rooted in a particular time and place that Poe
can substitute a minutely detailed Paris, in “The Mystery of Marie Rôget,”
to stand in, street by street and newspaper by newspaper, for the
scene of the actual crime on which the story is based: Hoboken, New
Jersey. But crime films have from their very beginning attempted to
link criminal behavior to specific social settings both in fulfillment of
Hollywood’s general tendency toward sensationalizing abstract con-
flicts and as part of its generic project of casting a metaphoric light on
the workings of the social order crime challenges. Broadly speaking,
the history of the crime film before 1940 follows changing social attitudes
toward crime and criminals; the 1940s mark a crisis of ambivalence
toward the criminal hero; by 1950, it was following changing
attitudes toward the law and the social order that criminals metaphorically
reflect.

Crime Films/Thomas Leitch/ http://www.cambridge.org

The Problem of the Crime Film


The crime film is the most enduringly popular of all Hollywood
genres, the only kind of film that has never once been out of
fashion since the dawn of the sound era seventy years ago. It
is therefore surprising to discover that, at least as far as academic criticism
is concerned, no such genre exists. Carlos Clarens’s magisterial
study Crime Movies (1980) begins by criticizing Robert Warshow’s
seminal essay “The Gangster as Tragic Hero” (1948) for its narrow definition
of the gangster film, based on liberal social assumptions that
“limited genres to one dimension apiece.” Yet Clarens’s definition of
the crime film is equally delimited by its pointed exclusion of “psychological
thriller[s]” like Shadow of a Doubt (1943), Laura (1944), and Kiss
Me Deadly (1955) from its purview on the grounds that their characters
are insufficiently emblematic of “the Criminal, the Law, and Society.”
1 Larry Langman and Daniel Finn place themselves outside the debate
over whether or not crime films include psychological thrillers
by announcing in the Preface to their encyclopedic reference, A Guide
to American Crime Films of the Forties and Fifties: “The American crime
film does not belong to any genre. . . . Instead, it embodies many
genres.”2 But their attempt to rise above the problem of classification
merely indicates how deeply entrenched that problem is.
None of this academic quibbling has prevented crime films from retaining
their popularity, or even from entering universities as the object
of closer scrutiny. But subgenres of the crime film, like the gangster
film of the 1930s and the film noir of the 1940s, have been more
often, and more successfully, theorized than the forbiddingly broad
genre of the crime film itself – this genre that is not a genre, even

though an enormous audience recognizes and enjoys it, and a substantial
following is interested in analyzing it critically. The unabated
popularity of mystery and detective fiction, the burgeoning of such recent
literary subgenres as the serial-killer novel and the novel of legal
intrigue, the efflorescence of true-crime books, and the well-publicized
criminal trials that keep Court TV in business all attest to the American
public’s fascination with narratives of crime. The crime film therefore
represents an enormously promising, but hitherto neglected, focus
for a genre approach to cultural studies.
To the question of whether the crime film is a genre or an umbrella
term for a collection of diverse genres like the gangster film, the detective
film, and the police film must be added another question: What
does it matter? After all, what difference does it make whether the film
noir is a genre or a subheading of a broader genre? To anyone but a
few scholars of genre studies, these questions might seem inconsequential
to the widespread understanding and enjoyment of crime
films.
It is exactly this understanding and enjoyment, though, that are at
issue in the definition of any genre. Raymond Bellour has pointed out
that viewers for Hollywood musicals like Gigi (1958) are able to put
aside their general expectation that each scene will advance the plot
because of their familiarity with the more specific convention of musicals
that successive scenes often present lyrical, tonal, or meditative
“rhymes” instead, so that a scene of Gigi explaining how she feels troubled
and baffled by love is logically followed by a scene in which Gaston
professes similar feelings, even if there is no causal link between
the two.3 On a more practical level, it is viewers’ familiarity with the
conventions of the musical that prevents them from cringing in bewilderment
or distaste when the story stops dead so that Fred Astaire
can dance or Elvis Presley can sing. Learning the generic rules of musicals
does not necessarily allow viewers to enjoy them more, but it
does allow them to predict more accurately whether they are likely to
enjoy them at all. It is therefore a matter of some importance to many
viewers whether or not films like The Wizard of Oz (1939) and Aladdin
(1992) are categorized as musicals, for their feelings about musicals
are likely to influence how much they will enjoy such films, or whether
they are likely to watch them in the first place. This is not to say that
only viewers who like musicals will like The Wizard of Oz and Aladdin.
Both films, in fact, are well-known for appealing to many viewers who
do not ordinarily watch musicals; but appreciative viewers who recog-

nize either film as a musical are more likely to be receptive to other
films that resemble them, confirming the importance of genre in accurately
predicting their enjoyment.
In the same way, asking whether films like Bonnie and Clyde (1967)
and The Wild Bunch (1969) are westerns, even if different viewers answer
the question differently, acknowledges the ways each film’s affinities
to the western – its similarities in mise-en-scène, action, and moral
problems to those of the western – places them in a context that
helps to sharpen and illuminate them. A familiarity with John Wayne’s
outsized heroic persona in westerns like Stagecoach (1939) and Fort
Apache (1948) deepens viewers’ understanding of the more problematic
but equally outsized heroes he plays in later westerns like Red
River (1948), The Searchers (1956), and The Shootist (1976). In each
case, the conventions of the western provide a context that may make
Wayne’s actions more ironic, tragic, or elegiac – certainly more richly
nuanced and comprehensible.
Viewers use many contexts, smaller or larger than established
genres like the western, to interpret conventions of action and performance.
Most viewers watching Stagecoach, for example, assume that
Wayne’s character, the Ringo Kid, will survive his climactic shootout
with the Plummer family, even though he is outmanned and outgunned,
because the survival of characters played by John Wayne is
statistically an excellent bet and because the conventions of classical
Hollywood narrative films4 like Stagecoach make it more likely that
Ringo will proceed to a rousingly heroic climax rather than survive a
hazardous attack by Geronimo’s braves only to be shot down on his
arrival in Lordsburg. Even more fundamentally, most viewers assume
that a climactic shootout will take place in the streets of Lordsburg
because the conventions of classical Hollywood narrative predicate
the resolution of the leading announced conflicts and an economy of
representation that requires each person traveling in the stagecoach
to fulfill the promise of his character and reveal his true nature. But
all these expectations are generic, based as they are on a knowledge
of the wider, though by no means universal, genre of classical Hollywood
narrative within which the western occupies a place that gives
its own conventions their special potency.
Because viewers understand and enjoy movies largely through their
knowledge of the generic conventions, the question of whether gangster
films have enough in common with whodunits and erotic thrillers
to constitute a single genre of crime films is important to many more

people than just film scholars. Even viewers who think they are interpreting
Brian De Palma’s remake of Scarface (1983) exclusively in light
of the conventions of the gangster genre – or, more narrowly, in light
of its departures from Howard Hawks’s 1932 film of the same title –
may well be seeing it in the context of the broader genre of the crime
film. The example of Stagecoach suggests that genres characteristically
nest in one another, the most sharply focused (the John Wayne
western, for instance) drawing their powers from their specific transformations
and adaptations of the conventions of broader genres like
the western or still broader genres like the classical Hollywood narrative.
Although viewers are most likely to be consciously aware of the
narrowest genres, the broader genres that are operating simultaneously
are equally, though less visibly, influential in directing their responses.
Because every genre is a subgenre of a wider genre from
whose contexts its own conventions take their meaning, it makes
sense to think of the gangster film as both a genre on its own terms
and a subgenre of the crime film.
If a genre can be as specific as the John Wayne western or as general
as the well-made Hollywood narrative, then it is clearly possible
to defend the crime film as a genre simply by installing it at a level of
generality somewhere between the gangster film and the classical
Hollywood narrative. But such a solution would prove nothing at all;
it would merely introduce still another category to a field already
crisscrossed with genre markers. The aim of this book is therefore not
simply to introduce a new generic category of the crime film but to
explain how such a category has already been operating to inform
viewers’ understanding and enjoyment of such apparently diverse
genres as the gangster film, the film noir, and the crime comedy.
Establishing the crime film as a genre as rich as those of the western
or the horror film – or, for that matter, the gangster film or the film noir
– raises the problems involved in defining any genre. Genre theorists
have long recognized this as a chicken-and-egg problem. If a genre like
the western can be defined only in terms of its members, but the members
can be recognized as such only by viewers who are already familiar
with the genre, how can viewers recognize any genre without
already having seen every film arguably within its boundaries?5 The
short answer to this question is that they can’t; hence the disagreements
that inevitably arise over whether The Wizard of Oz is to count
as a musical by viewers who have different ideas about what a musical
is. A contrary answer is that they can, despite the lack of theoret-

ical justification. Even if theorists were to demonstrate that the western
was a logically indefensible category, nonspecialist viewers would
go on referring to it because it is so useful and, except at its boundaries,
so easily recognized. Most people can recognize their friends
more easily than they can describe them because different skills are
involved in recognition and description, so that even Supreme Court
Justice Potter Stewart’s oft-ridiculed pronouncement that he couldn’t
define pornography, but “I know it when I see it,” makes sense.6
Recognizing genre conventions is clearly a developmental process.
Few children understand the conventions of Hollywood westerns,
but most adults do. Adults have gradually picked up the conventions
through exposure to particular examples of the genre, because their
understanding of the genre and of particular examples of it have been
mutually reinforcing. When revisionist westerns like Duel in the Sun
(1946) or Unforgiven (1992) appear, they are either dismissed as nonwesterns
or antiwesterns, sharpening the genre’s definition through
their exclusion, or they succeed in redefining the whole notion of the
western by exploring new possibilities implicit in the genre. The mutability
of generic conventions makes it clear that genres are best
thought of as contexts that evolve in both personal and social history,
the contingent results of ongoing transactions between viewers and
movies, rather than eternally fixed and mutually exclusive categories.7
Even given this transactional, evolutionary concept of genres, there
will always be debates about films on the margins of any particular
genre, since many viewers believe, for example, that Singin’ in the Rain
(1952) feels more like a musical than Fun in Acapulco (1963). Some fifteen
years ago, Rick Altman proposed a distinction between syntactic
and semantic definitions of genre to account for the phenomenon of
musicals that have many of the generic markers of musicals (a recognized
musical star like Elvis Presley sings several numbers) but not
others (Fun in Acapulco does not explore the thematic relationships
between performance and sincerity, public and private life, that are
central to musicals like Singin’ in the Rain).8 More recently, Altman has
suggested “a semantic/syntactic/pragmatic approach to genre” to incorporate
into his grammar of textual markers a more systematic
awareness of the multiple users and uses even the simplest films find.9
It is no wonder that Altman has expanded his earlier theory in the
light of the many films marked by conflicting, often shifting generic
allegiances. Most westerns from The Great Train Robbery (1903) to
Unforgiven are organized around stories of crime and punishment;
yet few viewers have called them crime films. If Sunset Blvd. (1950) is
to be counted as film noir because of its confining mise-en-scène, its
trapped hero, and its use of a fatalistic flashback, should Citizen Kane
(1941) be counted as noir too? Is Something Wild (1986) [Fig. 1] a crime
film or a screwball comedy gone wrong? Critics have often coined
nonce terms like “superwestern” and “neo-noir” to describe films that
transform or combine elements from different genres, but these terms
raise as many problems as they solve. If Outland (1981) is an outerspace
western – High Noon (1952) in space – is Assault on Precinct 13
(1976), John Carpenter’s homage to Rio Bravo (1959), an inner-city
western?

This problem of cross-generic allegiances persists even within the
crime film.10 Is The Thin Man (1934) a private-eye story or a crime
comedy? Is The Maltese Falcon (1941) a hard-boiled detective story or
a film noir? The Usual Suspects (1995) combines elements of the gangster
film and the whodunit; how is it to be classified? What to make of
police films that are also studies of criminals, like The Untouchables
(1987) and The Silence of the Lambs (1991) [Fig. 2]? And what about
White Heat (1949), which combines a gangster hero, a film-noir heroine,
an undercover cop, and an extended prison sequence that borrows
the conventions of many another prison film? These problems
are not solved by using the genre of the crime film to dissolve all distinctions
among its long-recognized subgenres; nor are they solved by
declaring one subgenre the categorical victor and ignoring the claims
of others. It makes sense, in such a work of classification as the bibliography
to Barry Grant’s Film Genre: Theory and Criticism, to exclude
gangster films from the crime-film genre on the grounds that “that
group of films is clearly defined to the extent that it can be understood
as comprising a distinct and separate genre.”11 But the distinctiveness
of the gangster film’s conventions cannot support an argument for any
essential distinction between gangster films and crime films, because
there is no reason to assume that distinctive genres are parallel and
mutually exclusive. The caper film, for example, has its own distinctive
generic rules, but those rules do not prevent it from being widely
recognized as a subgenre of an even more well-established genre, the
gangster film, whose gangsters have been assembled in caper films on
an ad hoc basis for a particular job.
Instead of attempting to construct genres that are mutually exclusive,
it would be more judicious to agree with Janet Staiger that “Hollywood
films have never been pure instances of genres,”12 from D. W.
Griffith’s combination of historical epic, war movie, domestic melodrama,
and racial propaganda in The Birth of a Nation (1915) to George
Lucas’s revitalization of science fiction in Star Wars (1977) by recycling
the story of Akira Kurosawa’s samurai comedy-drama The Hidden Fortress
(Kakushi toride no san akunin, 1958), itself based largely on the
conventions of the Hollywood western.
The multiple generic allegiances of most films, however, are obscured
by the fact that some such allegiances have historically overridden
others. Any story presented in animated form, from the musical
romance Beauty and the Beast (1991) to the epic Lord of the Rings
(1978), will automatically be classified as a cartoon because the animated
cartoon is a stronger genre than the genres of romance and
epic. Virtually any story with a setting in nineteenth-century western
America will be classified as a western, because the claims of the western
override the claims of competing genres. Films like Harlan County,
U.S.A. (1976) and Hoop Dreams (1994) are commonly classified together
as documentaries rather than distinguished in terms of their subject
matter. In the same way, films like Blazing Saddles (1974) and The

Naked Gun: From the Files of Police Squad! (1988) are classified as parodies
rather than as members of the various genres whose conventions
they mock, because their parodic intent trumps their affinities
with the specific genres they are sending up.
What makes a genre strong? The example of the cartoon, the strongest
of all popular genres, suggests that the most powerful generic
claims are based on mise-en-scène. Crime-and-punishment tales like
Winchester 73 (1950) and Rancho Notorious (1952) are classified as
westerns rather than crime films because their setting takes precedence
over their story. Any movie set in outer space, from Buck Rogers
(1939) to Alien (1979), becomes a science-fiction movie. The reason
that film noir is such a strong genre, or subgenre, despite the lack of
any clear consensus about what sort of stories it tells, is the powerfully
homogeneous sense of visual style that unites such diverse noirs
as The Killers (1946), Force of Evil (1948), and The Big Combo (1955).
Almost equally powerful as a generic marker is intent.13 Any movie
whose stated aim is to entertain children will be classified as a children’s
film or a family film, whatever its plot or characters or setting
– unless, of course, it is animated, in which case it will be classified as
a cartoon. Comedy, which seeks to make viewers laugh; horror, which
seeks to make them scream; documentary, which seeks to inform
them about some real-life situation; and parody, which seeks to make
fun of other genres – all these are such strong genres that critics have
long categorized Arsenic and Old Lace (1944) and Married to the Mob
(1988), for example, as comedies about crime, rather than crime films
with some laughs; and reviewers who saw Mars Attacks! (1996) as more
imitation than parody unanimously dismissed the film as a failed parody
rather than a successful imitation because they agreed that a parody’s
first duty is to be funny rather than faithful to its sources.
Weaker genres are based on typological situations (boy meets girl,
ordinary characters get into ridiculous scrapes), characters (zombies,
monsters, oversexed high-school students, attorneys), or presentational
features (the story is periodically interrupted or advanced
by dance numbers). Such genres are most likely to be overridden by
stronger genres whose claims conflict with theirs. Thus Abbott and
Costello Meet Frankenstein (1948) is a comedy rather than a monster
movie, and the transsexual science-fiction horror parody The Rocky
Horror Picture Show (1975), however it is categorized, is rarely described
as a musical. When Brian Henderson argued that The Searchers’s
story of rescuers attempting to save a victim who did not want

to be saved actually crossed the boundaries of the western to constitute
“an American dilemma,” in films as different as Taxi Driver (1976)
and Hardcore (1979), his premise did not have the effect of establishing
a new genre of unwelcome-rescue films because the common story
he described did not have the power to override the conflicting generic
allegiances of the examples he cited.14 The disaster genre that
flourished early in the 1970s (Airport, 1970; The Poseidon Adventure,
1972; Earthquake, 1974; The Towering Inferno, 1974) shows that small
numbers do not necessarily make a genre weak; but the disaster genre
is easily overridden by the conventions of the parody, as in Airplane!
(1980), or the action blockbuster, as in Jaws (1975), originally marketed
as a disaster movie until it was recognized as inaugurating a far
more profitable, hence stronger, genre.

Lacking the box-office potential of such recent blockbusters as Independence
Day (1996) and Titanic (1997), most genres can best display
their strength by articulating the central problems that endow
their stock characters and situations and spectacles with power and
meaning. Even apparently unproblematic genres like the musical and
the cartoon can be seen as organized around problems based on their
distinctive presentational features. Musical performers like Fred Astaire,
Gene Kelly, and Judy Garland typically act out rituals dramatizing
the complex relationship between realism and artifice, sincerity
and performance, both while they are performing their song-anddance
numbers and in their characters’ more private moments. Their
films use production numbers to raise questions about public and
private identities and the dynamics of self-presentation, particularly
within the ritualistic context of romantic courtship. Similarly, just as
cartoons are defined pictorially by a tension between the highly stylized
two-dimensional space in which they are drawn and the more
realistic third dimension they imply, they are defined thematically by
the tension between the requirements of realism (empathetic comingof-
age rituals for Disney heroes from Pinocchio to Simba) and magic
(from the constant transformations of shapes and animated objects
typical of all Disney cartoons to the playful self-reflexiveness of Warner
Bros.’ Duck Amuck, 1953).

No matter how it is defined, the crime film will never be as strong a
genre as the cartoon, the horror film, or the parody. It lacks both the
instantly recognizable mise-en-scène of the animated film (or even the
compellingly stylized visuals of the film noir) and the singleness of intent
of the horror film or the parody. But the crime film is a stronger
genre than theorists of subgenres like the gangster film and the film
noir have acknowledged. In fact, it is a stronger genre than the criminal
subgenres that have commanded more attention, not only because
its scope is by definition broader than theirs, but because the
problem it addresses as a genre, the problem that defines it as a genre,
places the film noir and the gangster film in a more sharply illuminating
context by showing that each of those is part of a coherent larger
project.

The defining problem of the crime film is best approached through
the specific problems involved in establishing it as a genre. Should the
crime film be defined in terms of its subject, its effect, or its visual
style? Many crime films adopt the visual conventions of film noir (lowkey,
high-contrast lighting, unbalanced compositions, night-for-night
exterior shooting), but others do not. If the noir visual style is a defining
feature of the crime film, how are color films like Leave Her to
Heaven (1945), Chinatown (1974), and Pulp Fiction (1994) [Fig. 3] to be
categorized?
If the noir visual style seems to produce too narrow a definition
of the crime film, its characteristic subject, crime, and its frequently

3. Pulp Fiction: A noir world of criminals like Jules Winnfield (Samuel L. Jackson)
without the noir visual style.
sought effect, suspense,15 are impossibly broad. Both crime and suspense
have an important role in a very great number of movies. The
English Patient (1996) presents several important crimes, from robbery
to murder, and a detective figure in David Caravaggio (Willem
Dafoe); do those elements make it a crime film? Every classical Hollywood
narrative depends on some disruption of the social order for its
conflict, and an enormous number of social disruptions (e.g., the fire
in The Towering Inferno, which is started by the illegal installation
of substandard wiring) are rooted in crimes. It would surely be impractical
to call every film in which a crime produces the central dramatic
situation a crime film. The touchstone of suspense is even more
hopelessly vague, since suspense might be called a defining feature
of the well-made Hollywood narrative. Even Jane Austen adaptations
from Pride and Prejudice (1940) to Emma (1996) depend on the suspense
generated by the questions of who will marry whom, and how
the anticipated happy ending can be compassed. How can the crime
film be distinguished from the broader category of the classical Hollywood
narrative, and how useful is such a vaguely defined genre likely
to be?

The problem of defining the crime film is exacerbated by three problems
implicit in its subject. John G. Cawelti has noted that popular narrative
genres almost by definition package “the ultimate excitements
of love and death” within the most reassuring generic formulas in order
to appeal to both viewers’ flight from ennui and their love of security.
16 In crime film, this paradox is linked to the question of crime’s normalcy.
By definition crime is an aberration, a disruption to the normal
workings of society; yet crime films invariably treat crime as normal
even as they observe the ways it undermines the social order. Gangsters
do nothing all day long but smuggle or steal. Police officers pursue
criminals for a living. Every single case a private eye like Philip
Marlowe takes on turns criminal; every adaptation of a John Grisham
novel of legal intrigue, even if the initial proceeding is a civil one, explodes
in violence sooner or later. Crime films all profess to solve the
criminal problems they present by means of a happy ending; yet the
frequency of crime in such films suggests that the more general problems
posed by crime will never be solved. Is criminal behavior in these
films abnormal or all too normal?

The second problem cuts even deeper. In distinguishing between
the heroes of thrillers, who “almost exclusively represent themselves,”
and the heroes of crime films, who “represent the Criminal, the Law,
and Society,” Carlos Clarens implies a distinction between crime as an
isolated event (the province of the thriller) and crime as a metaphor
for social unrest (the province of the crime film).17 But how solid is
this distinction? In Clarens’s terms, the work of Alfred Hitchcock, the
filmmaker most closely identified with crime, includes only thrillers
rather than crime films; yet critics from Eric Rohmer and Claude Chabrol
to Robert Corber have recognized that the criminal plots of all
Hitchcock’s films, from The Lodger (1926) to Psycho (1960), have obvious
moral and social implications that range far beyond the plight of
the characters themselves.18 When is a cinematic crime a metaphor
for an enduring moral dilemma or social upheaval or ideological critique,
and when is a crime just a crime?
The third problem concerns what may seem like the most straightforward
components of the crime film: its stock characters. Every
crime story predicates three leading roles: the criminal who commits
the crime, the victim who suffers it, and the avenger or detective who
investigates it in the hope of bringing the criminal to justice and reestablishing
the social order the crime has disrupted. The three roles
could hardly be more clear-cut, yet they everywhere overlap and melt
into each other. Gangsters like Vito Corleone are devoted family men
concerned only to protect and provide for their loved ones. Victims
like Paul Kersey, the bereaved hero of the Death Wish franchise (1974–
94), turn vigilante in order to avenge their loved ones. Maverick cops
like Harry Callahan, in Dirty Harry (1971) and its sequels Magnum Force
(1973), The Enforcer (1976), Sudden Impact (1983), and The Dead Pool
(1988), break the law in order to catch criminals they know are guilty.
A critique of the justice system is obligatory in Hollywood movies
about lawyers, police officers, or private eyes. When the hero is a good
cop, he is set against an entire corrupt department, as in Serpico
(1973), or ends up battling vigilante demons inside himself, as in The
Untouchables. And Hollywood movies about victims who merely suffer,
as opposed to taking arms against their oppressors, are virtually
unheard of. Evidently crime films both believe and do not believe in
the stock characters at their center; they seem determined to undermine
and blur the boundaries of the typological figures that might
otherwise stake their surest claim to the status of a single genre.
Although these problems might seem to present insuperable obstacles
to the definition of the crime film, they are in fact at the heart of
such a definition: for the crime film does not simply embody these
problems; it is about them. Crime films present as their defining sub-
ject a crime culture that depends on normalizing the unspeakable, a
place where crime is both shockingly disruptive and completely normal.
Crime may have different metaphorical valences in different criminal
subgenres – it can demonstrate the fragility of the social contract
in thrillers about innocent men on the run, attack the economic principles
of the establishment in gangster films, express philosophical
despair in films noirs, test masculine professionalism in private-eye
films – but it is always metaphorical. Every crime in every crime film
represents a larger critique of the social or institutional order – either
the film’s critique or some character’s. Finally, crime films dramatize
not only the distinctive roles of criminal, victim, and avenger but also
their interdependence and their interpenetration.
The problem at the heart of crime films, then, is their attempt to mediate
between two logically contradictory projects. Like all popular
genres, crime films work primarily by invoking and reinforcing a cherished,
but not entirely convincing, series of social bromides: The road
to hell is paved with good intentions, the law is above individuals,
crime does not pay. Crime films need to reinforce these beliefs, just as
viewers want to have them reinforced, in order to confirm the distinctiveness
of the moral and legal categories that allow viewers to maintain
their sense of social decorum and their own secure place in the
social order as law-abiding citizens who know right from wrong, identify
with the innocent, and wish to see the guilty punished. It is no surprise
that the Hollywood film industry is eager to endorse these bromides,
since the industry’s continued success depends on the health
of the capitalist economy. The moral certitudes on which the industry
and its audience agree depend on a series of categorical distinctions
among the roles of victim, who ought, according to Hollywood’s
official morality, to be their natural identification figure; the criminal,
who ought by the same token to be the target of their fear and hatred;
and the avenging detective, who ought to express the law in its purest
yet most personal form.
Viewers for crime films know that these three figures – the innocent
victim, the menacing criminal, the detective who incarnates the law –
never exist in such pure incarnations, not only because of the requirements
of realism and narrative complexity but because they would
be utterly uninteresting. The ritual triumph of avenging heroes over
criminals is compelling only as ritual; to succeed as narrative, it requires
complications and surprises in the conception of the leading
roles and their relationships. The fascination of crime films arises pre-
cisely from the ways they test the limits of their moral categories, engaging
and revealing contradictions in the audience’s fantasies of identification
by mixing elements from these three different positions, the
primary colors of crime films that never occur in isolation. Although
crime films typically move toward endings that confirm the moral absolutes
incarnated in each of their three primary figures, an equally
important function crime films share is to call these primary figures,
and the moral absolutes that inspire them, into question by making a
case for the heroic or pathetic status of the criminal, questioning the
moral authority of the justice system, or presenting innocent characters
who seem guilty or guilty characters who seem innocent. Even
when the endings of crime films endorse a reassuringly absolutist view
of crime and punishment, the middle of such films puts absolutist categories
like hero, authority, innocent, guilty, victim, criminal, and avenger
into play, engaging the doubts and reservations about these labels
that make them fit subjects for mass entertainment as well as moral
debate, and so raising questions that the most emphatically absolutist
endings can never entirely resolve.
Crime films always depend on their audience’s ambivalence about
crime. The master criminal is immoral but glamorous, the maverick
police officer is breaking the law in order to catch the criminals, the
victim is helpless to take any action except capturing or killing the
criminal. It is therefore inevitable that they both insist on the distinctions
among criminals, crime solvers, and victims, and that their obsessive
focus is on the fluid and troubling boundaries among these
categories. Crime films are about the continual breakdown and reestablishment
of the borders among criminals, crime solvers, and victims.
This paradox is at the heart of all crime films.
Crime films operate by mediating between two powerful but blankly
contradictory articles of faith: that the social order that every crime
challenges is ultimately well-defined, stable, and justified in consigning
different people to the mutually exclusive roles of lawbreakers, law
enforcers, and the victims who are the audience’s natural identification
figures; and that every audience member is not only a potential
victim but a potential avenger and a potential criminal under the skin.
The audience’s ambivalence toward both these premises, and the
shifting identifications crime films therefore urge among the fictional
roles of lawbreaker, law enforcer, and victim, are the defining feature
of the genre, and the feature that indicates the place each variety of
crime film has within the larger genre.

Hence the genre of crime films includes all films that focus on any
of the three parties to a crime – criminal, victim, avenger – while exploring
that party’s links to the other two. What defines the genre,
however, is not these three typological figures any more than a distinctive
plot or visual style, but a pair of contradictory narrative projects:
to valorize the distinctions among these three roles in order to
affirm the social, moral, or institutional order threatened by crime,
and to explore the relations among the three roles in order to mount
a critique that challenges that order. This contradictory double project,
which has often been obscured by the predominance of subgenres
like the gangster film and the film noir over the crime film, underlies
the ambivalence of all the crime film’s subgenres, including
several this book will not consider in detail. White-collar crime films
like Wall Street (1987) explore the paranoid hypothesis that American
capitalism is at its heart criminal; caper films like The Asphalt Jungle
(1950) present a criminal culture more admirable in its honor and professionalism
than the official culture it subverts; prison films from
Brute Force (1947) to The Shawshank Redemption (1994) explore the
nature of legal and moral guilt in order to consider how individual humanity
can survive the dehumanizing rituals of the prison system.
One final apparent omission deserves fuller mention because, as
Carlos Clarens has acknowledged, it goes to the heart of the crime
film’s definition: the thriller. The crime film has much in common with
the thriller; but following Charles Derry’s brief definition of the thriller
as “films in the shadow of Alfred Hitchcock”19 reveals that the thriller
is not, as Clarens argues, a parallel alternative to the crime film but a
subset of it. Although every crime film postulates the same three pivotal
figures, different figures predominate in different criminal subgenres.
The criminal is most prominent in gangster films and films
noirs; the avenging crime solver in detective films, police films, and
lawyer films; and the victim in the man-on-the-run films of which Hitchcock
made such a specialty. In a larger sense, however, all of Hitchcock’s
films are about victims. The types of crime films Hitchcock never
essayed – films about professional criminals, about ordinary people
sucked into committing crimes, about heroic agents of the justice system
– make up a virtual catalog of the types of films about criminals
and avengers. Despite Hitchcock’s bromide, “The more successful the
villain, the more successful the picture,”20 he never makes a criminal
the hero of a film without recasting that criminal, from Alice White in
Blackmail (1929) to Marnie Edgar in Marnie (1964), as a victim. Hitch-
cock’s distaste for the police is even more well-known; he regards legal
authorities of any sort with suspicion and fear. His abiding interest
therefore remains with innocent people who are unjustly suspected
of crimes (North by Northwest, 1959), or who must confront criminals
without any help from the authorities (Shadow of a Doubt), or who
turn detective in order to clear themselves or save their country (The
39 Steps, 1935). Hitchcock’s thrillers, indeed thrillers generally, are
essentially crime films that focus on the victims of crimes, or of the
criminal-justice system.
Including in the definition of crime films all films whose primary
subject is criminal culture, whether they focus on criminals, victims,
or avengers, may seem to make the genre too broad to be truly useful
or distinctive. But the test of this definition, like that of any genre, is
neither its narrowness nor its inclusiveness; it is its ability to raise
questions that illuminate its members in ways existing modes of thinking
about crime films do not. If all genres, as Staiger and Altman suggest,
are contingent, evolving, and transactional,21 the question they
raise is not whether or not a particular film is a member of a given
genre, but how rewarding it is to discuss it as if it were. Nearly any film,
from The Wizard of Oz to The English Patient, might be considered a
crime film. The model of ambivalence toward the categories represented
by the criminal, the victim, and legal avenger is not meant to
distinguish crime films from non–crime films once and for all, but to
suggest a new way of illuminating the whole range of films in which
crimes are committed.

Crime Films/Thomas Leitch/ http://www.cambridge.org