Showing posts with label Dirty Harry. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Dirty Harry. Show all posts

Fury and the Victim Film

Friday, 27 March 2009


In Vittorio De Sica’s great Italian neorealist movie The Bicycle Thief
(Ladri di biciclette, 1948), Antonio Ricci (Lamberto Maggiorani) is
a deliveryman whose bicycle, on which his new job depends, is
stolen. With his little boy, Bruno (Enzo Staiola), in tow, Ricci scours
Rome in search of the stolen bicycle, asking questions of dozens of
people, but he fails to recover it and is nearly arrested himself when
he tries to steal another bicycle he is mistakenly convinced is his. The
film ends with father and son walking forlornly down the street away
from the camera, accepting the fact that they will never see the bicycle
again.

Legend has it that De Sica and his screenwriter, Cesare Zavattini,
briefly shopped the idea of the film to Hollywood, only to be told that
no studio would be interested unless Cary Grant were cast in the lead
role. Whether or not it is true, this anecdote illustrates a fundamental
contrast between European cinema and Hollywood genre films. If
every crime story depends on a victim, a criminal, and an avenger, the
victim is the structuring absence in American crime movies. The role
of the victim of crime is so perennially unfashionable in Hollywood
that it is hard to think of a single victim-hero, for example, in the years
between 1919, when D. W. Griffith’s Broken Blossoms shows Lucy Burrows
(Lillian Gish) destroyed by her abusive boxer father (Donald
Crisp), and 1944, when Gregory Anton (Charles Boyer) tries to drive
his bride Paula Alquist (Ingrid Bergman) insane in Gaslight so that
he can ransack her house for the jewels he failed to find when he
murdered her aunt. In order for victims to be acceptable to American
viewers, they have to played by the likes of Cary Grant, presumably

Fury and the Victim Film
because no matter how miserably Grant’s character might suffer, he
would still be the imperishably debonair Cary Grant.
This is not to say that there are no American movies about victims.
Gaslight, for example, shows the influence on crime films like Notorious
(1946) of the so-called weepies – dramas from the 1930s through
the 1950s, intended for female viewers, in which variably innocent
women suffered injustice at the hands of faithless men – by revealing
that the man in question is not merely a cad but a killer. There have
also been countless movies for nearly a hundred years whose main
characters have been the victims of crimes, from the defeated southern
gentry of The Birth of a Nation (1915) to the teenaged innocents
of Friday the 13th (1980) and Scream (1996). Viewers have seen Hollywood
stars of every stripe as victims of the nanny from hell (The Hand
That Rocks the Cradle, 1992), the roommate from hell (Single White
Female, 1992), the cop from hell (Unlawful Entry, 1992), the temp from
hell (The Temp, 1993), the lawyer from Hell (The Devil’s Advocate,
1997), and the loose-cannon government operatives from hell (No Way
Out, 1987; Absolute Power, 1997; Enemy of the State, 1998). It is no wonder
that Charles Derry, following Pierre Boileau and Thomas Narcejac’s
definition of the suspense novel as “le roman de la victime,” emphasizes
the focus of “the suspense thriller” on “the innocent victim
or pursued criminal.”

Even though these heroes and heroines may begin as victims, however,
and even though viewers continues to perceive them as imperiled
or embattled long after they have outgrown their early doormat
status, their stories transform them from victims to far more traditional,
more active heroes, usually by enabling them to kill their initially
more menacing tormentors. In The Accused (1948), mousy psychology
professor-turned-murderer Wilma Tuttle (Loretta Young) assumes, as
Robert Ottoson has noted, the roles of “both Destroyer and Victim.”2
Even Babe Levy, the inoffensive graduate student played by Dustin
Hoffman who is repeatedly set against his globe-hopping secret-agent
brother Doc (Roy Scheider) in John Schlesinger’s Marathon Man
(1976), ultimately kills the sadistic Nazi dentist (Laurence Olivier) who
has so memorably tortured him.

The film that most economically encapsulates Hollywood’s determination
to recast the passive victim as heroic avenger is D.O.A., first
released in 1950, little more than a year after The Bicycle Thief, and
later remade as Color Me Dead (1969) and under its original title (1987)
[Fig. 16]. In the original version, Frank Bigelow (Edmond O’Brien) is a
small-town accountant who is slipped a poisoned drink at a crowded,
noisy San Francisco bar. By the time he learns he has been poisoned,
nothing can be done to stop the poison’s action – he will be dead in a
day or two – but Frank, after the initial denial, shock, and depression
Fury and the Victim Film 81
16. D.O.A. (1987): The doomed hero gets a new lease on life. (Meg Ryan, Dennis
Quaid)
brought on by this revelation, decides to use his last hours tracking
down his killer. “I’m already dead,” he says exultantly; and his death
sentence, far from sidelining him in passive stoicism, gives him a new
and unparalleled freedom of action.

The extended flashback that encloses Frank’s entire story, from his
initial poisoning through his detective work in tracing his killer back
from the big bad city to an innocuous deed he notarized months ago
to his final shootout with the man who killed him, might seem to guarantee
a bleak tone to the film. Despite the often despairing look and
fatalistic construction cinematographer-turned-director Rudolph Maté
provides, however, it is clear that downing a lethal dose of poison
is the best thing that ever happened to Frank. Only the inescapable
threat of a death not merely impending but already accomplished
frees Frank to ignore the social taboos that would otherwise prevent
him from bullying the suspects who might know why he was poisoned,
his inhibitions about his feelings for his loyal secretary Paula Gibson
(Pamela Britton), and the institutional restraints against taking the law
into his own hands. As a result of getting murdered but still being
alive, in fact, Frank not only enjoys a unique indemnity against danger
(since there is nothing anybody can do to him that will make his situation
any worse) but has the opportunity to occupy all three major
positions associated with crime fiction: victim, detective, and criminal
(or at least dispenser of vigilante justice unencumbered by the law).
In terms of the film’s black-and-white morality, Frank’s death is none
too high a price to pay for the exhilarating privilege of serving as
judge, jury, and executioner of the man who killed him. The film thus
makes Frank’s victimhood a position to be celebrated because it liberates
heroic tendencies Frank has never before been able to show. The
best victims, D.O.A. suggests, are those who come back fighting, exploiting
the fact that their status as victims licenses in advance their
most violent excesses – a premise adopted by both its remakes as
well.

American films’ preference for treating victims not as nobly stoic
sufferers at the hands of criminals but as worms who turn on their tormentors
suggests that Hollywood finds the status of victim inherently
unstable and unsatisfactory. There are several reasons why this is so.
The most obvious is the formal or structural incompleteness of the
victim’s story, which Aristotle recognized two thousand years ago required
some reversal of fortune to be complete.3 Viewers do not want
to watch static heroes; either they want their heroes to fall from a
precarious height and become victims, like the outsized gangsters of
Little Caesar (1930) and Scarface (1932), or they want heroic victims
to move from suffering to action, like the wimps played by Dustin Hoffman
in Straw Dogs (1971) and Marathon Man, and by Charles Bronson
in all five Death Wish films (1974–94) [Fig. 17].

In fact, Hollywood’s fondness for violent climaxes offers an even
more compelling reason for its lack of interest in victims who consistently
remain victims. Crime on American screens is played first and
foremost for entertainment, and a criminal action is not simply an affront
to the social order but a media event as distinct and formulaic
as a Fred Astaire dance number. A film like The Bicycle Thief, treating
an offscreen theft virtually unaccompanied by violence, then or later,
would have even less chance in Hollywood today than in 1948. The
violence of Hollywood crimes plays on viewers’ ambivalence toward
independence and institutional power, making these media events
visually and aurally exciting even as it underlines their breach of the
social order. More subtly, the opening violence prepares for still greater
violence at the hands of the heroic avengers, even if they are yet
to be introduced. After all, it is not just criminals who are violent antiestablishment
figures. The historic American cult of independence
and Americans’ long attachment to strong heroes unbeholden to any
system or community that might trammel their freedom or sap their
resolve – from Huckleberry Finn to Han Solo – is faithfully expressed
through Hollywood’s prejudice in favor of antiauthoritarian, antiinstitutional
good guys played by the likes of Arnold Schwarzenegger
and Steven Seagal. When ruthless criminals meet equally uninhibited
avengers, the stage is set for climactic acts of violence that will outdo
anything in the early reels, fulfilling viewers’ desire for a crescendo
of excitement.

Even so, neither viewers’ desire for structuring reversals of fortune
nor Hollywood’s interest in violence as a way of making crime both
emphatic and entertaining fully explains the American crime film’s relative
neglect of victims. Victims who act like victims appear throughout
the genre; they are simply edged out by characters whose roles
are more important, more dramatic, or more satisfying. In Call Northside
777 (1948), reporter P. J. McNeal (James Stewart) becomes determined
to clear Frank Wiecek (Richard Conte), who is serving time for
killing a police officer. The film neglects many opportunities to linger
over the victims of both the original crime and the miscarriage of justice
McNeal is trying to correct; but since one is dead and the other
in prison, it regards their suffering as static, simply a pretext for the
hero’s more dramatically satisfying detective work. One reason whodunits
on and off the screen have focused for so long on murder is that
murder is the only crime that utterly annihilates its victims, absolving
the audience from worrying about them, and freeing viewers or readers
to treat all the remaining characters as suspects locked in a potential
duel with the detective in a contest that guarantees active roles
for every participant. In man-on-the-run films from Saboteur (1942) to
The Fugitive (1993), it is not enough for the wrongly accused heroes
played by Robert Cummings and Harrison Ford simply to elude their
pursuers; it is a cardinal rule of the genre (though one rarely observed
by real-life fugitives from the law) that they must also clear themselves
by turning detective in order to track down the real criminals [Fig. 18].
Whether they concentrate on criminals, avengers, or victims, Hollywood
films focus on similar fantasies of active empowerment, from
Frank Bigelow’s license to execute his killer in D.O.A. to the apparent
justification of D-FENS, Michael Douglas’s unemployed defense contractor
in Falling Down (1993), for taking down all the urban enemies
who get in his way. The difference between the rousingly unlikely
Everyman heroics of the doomed hero of D.O.A. and the pathetically
unconvincing self-justifications of D-FENS in Falling Down indicates
that American movies do not necessarily approve this kind of empowerment;
but they are clearly fascinated with it, whatever its costs,
even at its most sociopathic [Fig. 19].
Fury and the Victim Film 85
18. The Fugitive: Instead of simply escaping from the police, Dr. Richard Kimble
(Harrison Ford) must track down the real criminal.
From their beginnings, then, American crime films have been less
interested in winning viewers’ sympathies for innocent victims than
in exploring the possibilities of action available to those victims, the
more apparently hopeless the better. These possibilities make an ideal
subject for Hollywood because they provide a dramatic framework
structured by an Aristotelian reversal and offer a wide range of powerfully
straightforward emotional appeals (sympathy for the downtrodden,
hope for their change to a more active role, exultation at their triumphs)
while examining the problematic relations between passive
and active roles, typically dramatized in crime films not only through
the opposed roles of the victim and avenger but also through the opposition
of victim and criminal. In showing victims rising to their own
defense by striking back, crime films simultaneously reinforce strong,
simple emotions proper to the given roles of victim, avenger, and criminal,
and complicate these roles by showing how closely they are related.
Whenever a victim turns avenger, chances are some element of
the criminal will enter into this figure as well.
The reason why is obvious. Although there are a few movie criminals
whose behavior is so vicious that viewers are never encouraged
to see them as anything but monstrous (e.g., Michael Rooker’s title
character in Henry: Portrait of a Serial Killer, 1990), and a few others
who are clearly saintly victims forced into crime rather than choosing
it (Fredric March’s Jean Valjean in Les Misérables, 1935), most Hollywood
criminals fall somewhere between these two extremes. Bonnie
and Clyde, Vito and Michael Corleone, and the sociopathic teenagers
of Kids (1995) are all criminals, but their films all make some attempt
to explain, and in some cases to justify, the choices that have made
them as they are, in order to explore the relations between actions and
reactions. To what extent are criminal actions simply reactions to the
powerful forces of circumstance? The question of which actions count
as actions, and which count only as reactions to the actions of others,
is perhaps the most urgent moral question American movies ask, and
one to which crime films give a unique pride of place.
Moreover, just as movies can scratch almost any criminal and find
a victim who pleads the irresistible forces of poverty or family ties or
bad companions or the system, movies can scratch the most passive
victim and find a potential criminal. One way of drawing viewers into
a greater intimacy with victims is to emphasize the pathos and injustice
of their sufferings; another is to allow them to fulfill viewers’ fantasies
of heroic retaliation against the forces of evil; still another is to
show how deeply they have been brutalized by making them cross the
line that separates law-abiding avengers from criminals. It would be
surprising if Hollywood did not try all three tactics, often in the same
movie.
Victim films turn on the questions of why bad things happen to
good people, and what good people ought to do when they do happen.
Although Hollywood has rarely been interested in the stoic acceptance
of victimhood portrayed in The Bicycle Thief and Broken
Blossoms, several options remain to Hollywood victims. They can suffer
and die in an implicit indictment of their complicity with an immoral
culture, as the heroines of Looking for Mr. Goodbar (1977) and Star
80 (1983) are punished for having so internalized the woman-hating
norms of their patriarchal cultures that they are incapable of breaking
away from the men who prey on them. Alternatively, they can hire freelance
avengers like the durable criminal attorney Perry Mason, guaranteeing
a happy ending at the price of agreeing to have their suffering
upstaged by their avengers.
Although Mason’s clients fade comfortably into the woodwork once
they place the burden of their cases on their infallible advocate, few
victims who place their fate in the hands of the justice system find that
system nearly as responsive. Rape victims Chris McCormick (Margaux
Hemingway) in Lipstick (1976) and Sarah Tobias (Jodie Foster) in The
Accused (1988) win legal vindication only after enduring harrowing legal
ordeals that amount to a second violation. Heroes and heroines
who lack the funds or the wit to call on the likes of Perry Mason, like
the innocent suspects of such Hitchcock films as I Confess (1952),
Dial M for Murder (1954), and The Wrong Man (1956), must be rescued
by prayer or fate or sympathetic investigators or the criminal’s overreaching.
Victims who willfully reject institutional justice to take a more active
role in their own defense inevitably become both more heroic and
more disturbingly complicit in the violence that threatened them in
the first place. The surest way to guarantee their continued innocence
is to isolate them completely from the justice system that ought to be
redressing their grievances. Man-on-the-run films like Saboteur and
North by Northwest (1959) work by estranging their heroes from both
the criminals and the police. So too the blind heroine of Wait until Dark
(1967), the embattled mathematician of Straw Dogs, and the pacifist
graduate student of Marathon Man, all forced to their own defense by
being cut off from the authorities on whom they are counting for help,
strike back at the ruthless criminals who have been tormenting them
without besmirching their straight-arrow credentials.
An especially potent image of this moral whitewash is the outlaw
film, whose victims-turned-superheroes enjoy a continuing moral privilege
whatever crimes they may commit against victims and a system
more corrupt than they are. The Hollywood archetype is Robin Hood,
the outlaw who defies the bullying Guy of Guisborne and the usurping
King John by taking the blame for killing one of the king’s deer, assembling
a band of men that will represent a truer English society than the
corrupt court, vindicating his counterculture’s social credentials by
winning the heart of the aristocrat Maid Marian, ransoming England’s
lawful king Richard the Lionheart from captivity, and earning pardon
for all his merry men. Yet superheroes from Batman (1989) to Darkman
(1990) and The Crow (1994) begin as victims too, and their victimhood
gives their summary justice its moral authority.
Even avengers less noble will assume something of the superhero
if the justice system they defy is sufficiently bankrupt. The heroines
of Thelma & Louise (1991), forced to become robbers and fugitives by
the men who victimize them, achieve heroic apotheosis when they
drive their car off a cliff into the Grand Canyon, sealing their status as
legendary fighters against patriarchy rather than insignificant, privately
motivated killers and thieves. In the western Bad Girls (1994), the
four heroines – less powerful, more dependent on men, but finally
more successful – are equally dedicated to avenging the injustices visited
on them by powerful men who take advantage of their physical
weakness and their sexual vulnerability.
When victims work within the system, viewers’ loyalties are typically
divided between the hope that the system will be vindicated and
the thirst for cathartic vigilante justice. A common way to resolve this
conflict is to transform victims into heroic avengers whose vigilantism
revitalizes a moribund justice system, as in Marked Woman (1937),
Saboteur, or Key Largo (1948). The battleground of the defense or critique
of the justice system can be as intimate as the American family.
Although Charlie Newton (Teresa Wright) kills her murderous uncle
at the end of Hitchcock’s Shadow of a Doubt (1943), marking the final
stage in her accelerated, enforced maturation, she does nothing to disturb
the rest of her family’s sense of him as kindly and charming, and
her community mourns him as a saint. But William Wyler’s The Desperate
Hours (1955) uses the threat of victimization as a pretext for circling
the wagons of domestic patriarchy when Dan Hilliard (Fredric
March) finally succeeds in repelling the escaped convicts who are
holding his family hostage by asserting his paternal authority over
that of his criminal parody, authoritarian father-figure Glenn Griffin
(Humphrey Bogart), and incidentally over his family itself, proving
that, unlike his violent counterpart, father knows best.
D.O.A., substituting the fatally wounded individual’s vengeance for
that of the justice system (which is called upon in the final scene to
provide tacit approval of his revenge), dramatizes the most common
pattern among American victim films: reversing the hero’s status as
victim by showing the hero moving from victim to vigilante with both
the system’s and the viewers’ implicit approval. But other films complicate
the hero’s progress from victim to avenger or criminal, as well
as viewers’ attitude toward that progress, in order to develop a critique
of the relationship between action and reaction, social justice
and private revenge. In I Am a Fugitive from a Chain Gang (1932), Paul
Muni plays aspiring contractor James Allen, who is unjustly sent to
prison in a carefully unnamed southern state. After bestial treatment
by the prison trusties who supervise the chain gangs on which he is
forced to work, he finally makes a successful escape, rising to become
a noted contractor before he is identified and rearrested. Agreeing to
return to serve one more year in the hated prison as a condition of
clearing his record, he is denied release by the vindictive state authorities,
stung by his public revelation of their prison culture’s brutality.
Escaping again from prison, Allen dynamites a bridge his pursuers
must cross to reach him, annulling his dreams of constructive building.
When he makes one final stealthy farewell visit to his former girlfriend
Helen (Helen Vinson), she asks as he backs fearfully into the
shadows, “How do you live?” Allen’s chilling reply – “I steal” – is delivered
over a black screen that emphasizes the film’s radically unresolved
ending, as if it were confessing its helplessness to conclude the
story of this good man now eternally on the run because the state’s
brutality has made him a criminal.
Although James Naremore has aptly observed that, in later socialproblem
films like Crossfire (1947), “problems never appear systemic”4
but rather seem to be aberrations that can be ascribed to individual
psychopathology or maladjustment, in I Am a Fugitive from a Chain
Gang and other social-problem films, especially common at Warner
Bros. throughout the 1930s, the portrayal of the victim turned criminal
is balanced by impeaching the system as the greatest criminal of
all. Such films as Black Legion (1936), Dead End (1937), and Each Dawn
I Die (1939) offered an obvious appeal to Depression-era viewers already
suspicious of authority figures: politicians uninterested in the
plight of the unemployed, industrialists indifferent to everything but
their companies’ profits, bankers reconciling their balance sheets by
foreclosing on shaky mortgages, and courts and police officers dedicated
to enforcing punitive laws. Instead of relying on the justice system
of the constitutional government to provide moral authority for
judgments about criminal action, such films dramatized the crisis of
a system so deeply flawed that its fearsome powers had become separated
from the moral authority that ought to give them their force.
In a world where the justice system is monstrously unjust, what
is to prevent an innocent victim from turning into a criminal? Alfred
Hitchcock’s men on the run, like the hero of D.O.A., are never confronted
with this question because they enjoy the moral luxury (though
the pragmatic handicap) of independence from a justice system that
is indifferent to their plight and interested only in hunting them down.
The only Hitchcock heroes and heroines whose moral decisions come
under such remorseless scrutiny are those first presented as free
agents. Alice White (Anny Ondra) has to live with her knowledge that
not only did she kill the man who tried to rape her in Blackmail (1929)
but that the attempt of her policeman-boyfriend, Frank Webber (John
Longden), to protect her has sent Tracy (Donald Calthrop), a man innocent
of that crime (though not of blackmail), to his death in her
place. Alicia Huberman (Ingrid Bergman), who avenged her Nazi father’s
spying against the America she loved by agreeing to spy on the
Nazis in Notorious, is married off to former suitor Alexander Sebastian
(Claude Rains) by government agent T. R. Devlin (Cary Grant), who expects
her to betray her bridegroom to him even though he will not admit
he loves her himself. In Rear Window (1954), L. B. Jefferies (James
Stewart), who begins by snooping on the neighboring apartments to
pass the time while he is recuperating from a broken leg, becomes obsessively
determined to prove that one of his neighbors has killed his
wife. Retired police detective Scottie Ferguson (Stewart again), maddened
by grief when he apparently let Madeleine Elster (Kim Novak),
the woman he was hired to watch, fall to her death in Vertigo (1958),
re-creates her living image as ruthlessly as the killer who first manufactured
her alluring image by using her lookalike Judy Barton (also
Novak), who loves him as hopelessly as he loved the dead Madeleine.
Marion Crane (Janet Leigh), whose boyfriend Sam Loomis (John
Gavin) refuses to marry her at the beginning of Psycho (1960), steals
$40,000 from a lecherous client and runs off to meet the boyfriend. In
every case Hitchcock asks just how far a victim can be pushed before
losing the law’s protection or the viewers’ sympathy.
Hitchcock’s most penetrating study of victimhood, Suspicion (1941),
is his most ambiguous. Its passive heroine, Lina McLaidlaw (Joan Fontaine),
is so enamored of her importunate suitor (later, husband) Johnny
Aysgarth (Cary Grant) that she cannot believe that he is actually a
liar, a cheat, and a thief. Eventually, however, she becomes convinced
that he is planning to kill her. At this point in the film’s source, the 1932
novel Before the Fact by Francis Iles (aka Anthony Berkeley), Lina,
pregnant with Johnny’s child, accepts the role of victim and martyrs
herself to Johnny’s scheming. The film, however, ends very differently.
When Lina confronts Johnny with her suspicions, he convinces her he
has planned suicide, not murder, and they return to the luxurious, unaffordable
house he has rented for her with no plans for their future
vicissitudes but a resolve to face them together. Whether Johnny is as
innocent as he claims or as guilty as he acts, the film’s title refers not
only to Lina’s attitude toward him but also to the film’s attitude toward
her. If Johnny is really as innocent as he claims of murderous impulses,
then Lina’s suspicions amount to a paranoid sense of persecution.
Is Lina an innocent victim or a paranoid schemer? In most cases,
a film’s logic would make the answer clear, at least at the fadeout; but
Suspicion develops several different logics that seem to require contradictory
endings. Viewers’ sympathetic trust in the accuracy of her
perceptions demands that Johnny be guilty, but their empathetic desire
for Lina’s happiness requires that he be innocent. The many indications
of his guilt are so closely woven into the fabric of the film’s
representational vocabulary that he must be guilty; yet his guilt is so
obvious from the beginning that the story requires an Aristotelian reversal
that can be supplied only by his innocence. In removing Lina’s
impending death from the ending, Hitchcock guaranteed that whatever
ending he provided would be read as inconclusive, because no
possible alternative would be congruent with the film’s contradictory
logics. Once the film admits the possibility that Lina may be anything
but a pure victim, her status becomes problematic.5
Though Hitchcock is more closely associated with the figure of the
innocent victim than is any other filmmaker, the one who probes the
ambiguous status of victims most profoundly is Fritz Lang. Hitchcock’s
films typically entangle heroes like Guy Haines (Farley Granger),
in Strangers on a Train (1951), with killers who bring them under
suspicion of guilt by the police even though they have done nothing
wrong. Lang, however, more often follows the logic of the 1950 Patricia
Highsmith novel Hitchcock adapted, in which Guy, overwhelmed by
the insistence of Bruno Anthony (Robert Walker) that Guy repay the
favor of Bruno’s murdering his wife by killing Bruno’s tyrannical father,
eventually gives in to the pressure, kills the father, survives to mourn
the villain’s accidental death, and is eventually arrested. Lang’s You
Only Live Once (1937) covers some of the same territory as Suspicion
and Strangers on a Train. Eddie Taylor (Henry Fonda), an ex-con repeatedly
foiled in his attempt to put his past behind him, is eventually
arrested for a fatal robbery he did not commit. Placed on Death Row,
Eddie begs his wife Joan (Sylvia Sidney) to smuggle him a gun and
uses it to break out of prison, killing in the process the priest who has
come to bring him news of his pardon. Although the moody visuals
of both the robbery and the breakout are shrouded in ambiguity – in
a touch that might have come right out of a more hard-boiled version
of Suspicion, Lang shows a gas-masked robber who may or may not
be Eddie6 – Eddie has clearly become a killer by the film’s end. What
is ambiguous is not whether he is guilty but exactly what his guilt
means, who bears responsibility for it, and how different he is from
any other citizen caught in the law’s toils.
Lang first made his mark in the German silent cinema. The writerdirector
originally assigned to direct the groundbreaking The Cabinet
of Dr. Caligari (Das Kabinett des Dr. Caligari, 1920), he was prevented
from shooting the film, for which he provided the framing scenes that
revealed its troubled narrator as insane, by his work on his first commercial
success, the master-criminal tale The Spiders (Die Spinnen,
1919–20). Critical success followed with his allegorical Destiny (Der
müde Tod, 1921). Through projects ranging from Wagnerian myth
(Die Niebelungen, 1924) to science fiction (The Woman in the Moon /
Die Frau im Mond, 1929), Lang showed a particular gift for dramatizing
psychopathology through architectural composition. This tendency
reached its apotheosis in the futuristic dystopia of Metropolis (1927),
whose mob scenes are choreographed with a precision that makes
every one of hundreds of human bodies onscreen move like part of a
single monstrous organism. Given Lang’s fondness for projecting his
characters’ darkest fears and imaginings onto an oppressive mise-enscène,
it is no wonder that he returned repeatedly to two favorite stories.
The first, The Spiders’s tale of a criminal conspiracy to conquer
the world, pervades his German films (Dr. Mabuse, the Gambler /Dr.
Mabuse, der Spieler, 1922; Spies /Spione, 1928; The Testament of Dr. Mabuse
/Das Testament des Dr. Mabuse, 1933). The second, Caligari’s tale
of a man hounded beyond endurance by nightmarish visual settings
that figure both tyrannical administrators and the demons of his own
mind, comes to full flower in his American films.
The theme of the man whose expressionistically rendered physical
surroundings insistently reflect his own deepest terrors, which Lang’s
frame story made fundamental to The Cabinet of Dr. Caligari, was at
the heart of his favorite film, M (1931), in which the psychotic child
murderer Hans Beckert (Peter Lorre) is pursued both by the police
and by the professional criminals whose livelihood has been threatened
by the official crackdown he has provoked. Trapped by cluttered
frames and menacing objects that mark him from the beginning as
dangerous, the sweating Beckert – caught in a claustrophobic storage
room by the criminals, who carry him off to a kangaroo court where
he pleads an irresistible compulsion for the crimes he finds as repugnant
as do his accusers – eventually stands revealed as the ultimate
criminal-victim, whose inability to resist his impulses reflects the compulsive
criminality of his whole society. M reveals Lang as the supreme
architect of the troubled soul imaged by geometric visuals and monstrously
threatening objects.
Although the nightmarish expressionism of M is more naturalized
in the Hollywood films Lang directed after fleeing the Nazis in 1933,
vigilantism and institutional justice are still set against each other,
each indicting the other’s shortcomings. In Man Hunt (1941), Captain
Alan Thorndike (Walter Pidgeon), an English sportsman who is hunted
down by Nazis after playfully stalking Hitler in Berchtesgaden, must
acknowledge the violence within himself not only by killing his ruthless
pursuer Quive-Smith (George Sanders), but by admitting that he
did indeed want to kill Hitler after all. In The Woman in the Window
(1944), Professor Richard Wanley (Edward G. Robinson), in the middle
of an innocent but compromising meeting with Alice Reed (Joan Bennett),
whose painting he has especially admired in a shop window, is
attacked by her sometime lover, kills him in self-defense, and spends
the rest of the film sinking deeper into guilty lies. In The Big Heat
(1953), Sgt. Dave Bannion (Glenn Ford), whose wife has been killed by
mobsters trying to stop him from looking into a dirty cop’s suicide,
nearly strangles the cop’s widow, Bertha Duncan (Jeanette Nolan) before
his guilt is taken over by the widow’s double, spurned gangster’s
moll Debby Marsh (Gloria Grahame), who obligingly murders Mrs.
Duncan herself.

Two of Lang’s three westerns, The Return of Frank James (1940) and
Rancho Notorious (1952), show heroes torn between their peaceful
natures and their thirst for revenge; Vance Shaw (Randolph Scott) in
the third, Western Union (1941), is a reformed outlaw whose heroic attempt
to avoid both falling under the sway of and informing on his villainous
brother marks him early on as a sacrificial victim to progress.
In his more frequent tales of urban crime, Lang constructs moral
mazes that begin by setting criminals against victims and end by muddying
the distinctions between the two beyond any hope of reconstruction.
In While the City Sleeps (1956), avid reporters compete for
a promotion promised to the first to identify the sex killer who is terrorizing
their city. One of them, Edward Mobley (Dana Andrews), ends
up staking out his unwitting fiancée, Nancy Liggett (Sally Forrest), as
bait for the murderer (John Barrymore Jr.), whose pathetically irresistible
compulsion to kill, like Beckert’s in M, makes him the film’s
most sympathetic character. Beyond a Reasonable Doubt (1956) stars
Andrews again as Tom Garrett, a writer whose attempt to construct a
misleadingly conclusive web of circumstantial evidence against him-
self in a recent murder backfires when Austin Spencer (Sidney Blackmer)
– Garrett’s editor, prospective father-in-law, and sole partner in
this investigative ruse, who plans to deliver exculpatory evidence at
Garrett’s trial – is killed in a car accident. Fortunes are reversed once
more when Spencer’s daughter, Susan (Joan Fontaine), the loyal fiancée,
realizes Garrett truly is guilty after all. In Scarlet Street (1945), the
disquietingly named Christopher Cross (Edward G. Robinson), seduced
by streetwalker Kitty March (Joan Bennett) into stealing from
his employer, ends by killing her, allowing her abusive boyfriend, Johnny
Prince (Dan Duryea) to take his punishment, and is left wandering
the streets in a suicidal daze.

Lang’s most notable films marry Hitchcock’s portraits of heroes
under the intense psychological strain of their moral complicity in
crimes of which they are legally innocent to a broader analysis of institutional
justice. In the first and greatest of all his American films,
Fury (1936), Lang uses the conventions of the social-justice formula
to link questions of individual and social complicity in crime. Socialjustice
films were popular throughout the 1930s because they fueled
low-level paranoid fantasies by casting a critical eye on the moral
authority of institutional justice; meanwhile, they anticipated Naremore’s
description of their diagnoses as unsystemic by implying that
the worst abuses of institutional justice were taking place elsewhere,
in California or some unnamed southern state. Fury, the most distinguished
of all social-justice films, follows this pattern by attributing
the most egregious abuses of the justice system to the fictitious faraway
town of Strand, presumably but never explicitly on the California
coast. At the same time, Fury achieves a resonance exceptional
among social-justice films by subjecting its innocent victim to equally
unsparing scrutiny.

Like Frank Capra’s iconic Depression comedy It Happened One Night
(1934), Fury features a pair of lovers separated by a big country one
of them must cross to be reunited with the other. In both films, too,
the course of the lovers’ reunion is disrupted by their adventures
among a group of quintessential Americans that lead to a discovery
of an America they never suspected. But unlike It Happened One Night,
which uses the image of the community singing together aboard the
night bus to suggest that American society is at heart one big happy
family, Fury – cowritten by Lang and Bartlett Cormack from an Oscarnominated
story by the more habitually comic screenwriter Norman
Krasna – unmasks America as a mob whose bloodthirsty instincts are
barely constrained by laws they are only too eager to pervert to their
own vengeful ends.

The film begins with a lovers’ farewell that establishes Chicago factory
worker Joe Wilson (Spencer Tracy) as an American Everyman.
Joe loves peanuts and dogs, wears a rumpled raincoat with a tear his
all-American fiancée Katherine Grant (Sylvia Sidney) repairs with blue
thread, and accepts the fact that, although he and Katherine have
paused to fantasize in front of a shop window displaying a newlyweds’
suite, he cannot marry her until the two of them have enough money
to live on – a particularly poignant Depression wish. In this opening
scene, however, every mark of Joe’s endearing normalcy – his love of
peanuts, the tear in his raincoat, his childish habit of mispronouncing
the word “memento” as “mementum,” the distinctive ring he accepts
from Katherine – will end up betraying and entrapping him, first as the
kidnapper the mob mistakes him for, then as the vindictive killer Katherine
realizes he has become.

Having saved enough money from a service station he has opened
with his brothers Charlie (Frank Albertson) and Tom (George Walcott)
– whom he has shamed into quitting their errands for a local gangster
– Joe, on his way to claim Katherine, is stopped by deputy “Bugs” Meyers
(Walter Brennan) as he approaches Strand. Taken into custody as
a suspect in the kidnapping of a young woman, Joe is trapped by the
Everyman status that makes him – and “a million men,” as he scoffs –
fit the suspect’s generic physical description. The trap snaps shut
when Sheriff Tad Hummel (Edward Ellis) informs him that traces of
salted peanuts were found in the envelope containing the ransom
note, and Bugs matches a five-dollar bill Joe is carrying with one of
the serial numbers from the ransom payment.
Despite Hummel’s assurances, the law and its officers offer Joe
scant protection from the hysterical rumors of his guilt that sweep
through the town. Just after Lang cuts from a shot of three women gossiping
about Joe to a close-up of chickens clucking, one woman asks,
“But are you sure he’s not innocent?” provoking the haughty response,
“My dear young woman, in this country, people don’t land in jail unless
they’re guilty.” This ironic critique of America’s presumed uniqueness
reveals the totalitarian tendencies found even in places remote
from Nazi Germany.
Just as Joe had earlier lectured his brothers by defining himself as
everything they were not, the citizens of Strand can establish their
self-righteous sense of themselves as ordinary, decent, hard-working
Americans only by contrasting themselves with a criminal scapegoat.
Driven to a self-righteous fury, the townspeople take to the streets,
surrendering their individuality to the identity that best suits them:
members of a mob. After an ominous silence that ends with an alarming
overhead shot of their assaulting the door with a battering ram,
they storm the sheriff’s office, where they overwhelm the few defenders
and knock out the sheriff. Unable to reach the cell in which Joe,
isolated and frantic with anxiety, is locked, the mob burns down the
building. Katherine hears news of Joe’s arrest that brings her running
to the scene just in time to faint when she sees him at a barred window,
surrounded by flames, as the eerily silent citizens look on in rapt
approval. This scene, exploiting Lang’s unparalleled gift for choreographing
crowds, finally frames particular citizens of Strand as individuals
once again; but the iconic poses in which cinematographer
Joseph Ruttenberg freezes them – as gargoyles throwing stones,
munching apples, hoisting babies to see the show, or simply watching
in gleeful satisfaction – reveal how eager they are to surrender their
individual moral judgment to the mob.
Yet Joe, whose innocence had been the focus of such intense pathos,
is as capable of vengeful fury as his tormentors, as he reveals
when he miraculously appears to Charlie and Tom and relates how he
escaped from the explosion that destroyed the burning jail. He tells
his brothers, “I’m legally dead, and they’re legally murderers. . . . And
they’ll hang for it. . . . But I’ll give them the chance they didn’t give me.
They’ll get a legal trial in a legal courtroom. They’ll have a legal judge,
and a legal defense. They’ll get a legal sentence, and a legal death.”
What Joe sees as legal justice, of course, is a perversion of the justice
system, which, he plans, like the mob, to hijack to suit his thirst
for personal vengeance. Learning of the criminal lawsuit the brothers
have urged against the twenty-two townspeople identified as part of
the lynch mob, the citizens of Strand, though now claiming the protection
of the law they had earlier trampled, continue to act like a mob
by refusing to identify anyone as guilty, concocting false alibis for each
other, and hiring out-of-town lawyers to make legalistic speeches
about the corpus delicti. Now, however, Joe is recast as a tragic vigilante
himself. As the trial wears on, Lang repeatedly cuts to reaction
shots of Joe sitting in an anonymous rooming house raptly listening
to news reports on the radio. The sparseness of the furnishings, the
composition of the shots, and Joe’s tense poses – first he is sitting
hunched forward with his hands on his knees, then lying on a bed
whose barred headboard is the most prominent background motif,
then sitting in front of the headboard – precisely echo the physical details
of the shots that figured his helpless isolation when he was in jail,
gripping the bars as he strained to hear every offscreen sound that
might telegraph the mob’s next move. Now he is free and out of danger
but still equally imprisoned by his own obsession with vengeance,
which keeps him shut up alone, trapped in the frame, afraid to go out
lest he be recognized, and compulsively listening for offscreen reports
about the very same mob – until he smashes the radio in a fury that
produces a silence just as ominous as the silence preceding the storming
of the police station in which he had been imprisoned.
Joe is isolated even from Katherine, whom Charlie and Tom are
keeping ignorant of his resurrection in order to make her a more effective
witness to his death. But the strain that had maddened Joe with
a thirst for revenge maddens Katherine in more clinical terms, first
leading to her breakdown, then setting her against Joe. She has already
noticed Tom wearing Joe’s raincoat, whose telltale torn pocket
she had mended with blue thread. Shortly after her testimony, she
recognizes Joe’s misspelling “mementum” on an anonymous note he
sends to the judge, with the ring Katherine gave him, to establish his
death beyond question; and she appears accusingly before him in the
same low-angle full shot in a dark doorway as Joe’s own return from
the dead.

Joe’s furious revulsion from Katherine’s plea for mercy, his solitary
evening on the town, is the film’s apotheosis, a tour de force that epitomizes
Lang’s use of innocuous visual details to register the hero’s
frenzied isolation. Joe’s dinner at a local restaurant is spoiled by the
establishment’s oppressive silence [Fig. 20]; he is troubled by a shop
window whose display of furnishings for a newlywed couple echoes
that of the window that had provided the film’s opening image; he
is haunted by a startlingly literal echo of Katherine’s voice from the
opening scene – “Are you planning to do a lot of running around in this
room?” – reminding him that instead of running after Katherine, as he
had promised, Joe is now running from himself. Seeking solace in a
crowd, he finds that the cheerful noises he hears coming from a nearby
bar are nothing but a radio; the bar is empty save for a bartender
who, noting that midnight has brought a new day, inadvertently tears
two sheets from his calendar instead of one. This accident leaves Joe
staring at the number 22 – the number of defendants that his plot
threatens with death.

Realizing that his irrational quest for legalized vengeance is dehumanizing
him as surely as the mob surrendered its own humanity, and
that they are presumably as haunted by his specter as he is by Katherine’s,
Joe is ready to show himself in the courtroom, in a final revelation
– he drops the pretense of his death and Katherine returns to him
– that was criticized from the film’s first release as abrupt and unmotivated.
7 This ironically convenient ending is unsatisfactory precisely
because it admits that the film’s ruthless unmaskings have raised contradictions
too deep to resolve. Not only have both middle America
and Joe been revealed as morally inadequate in the eyes of the law;
but the law itself, though it has persistently been set up as the force
that protects individuals from each other and, ultimately, from their
own most catastrophic impulses, has been unmasked as fallible and
corrupt.8
Immediately after Sheriff Hummel first places Joe under arrest, Bugs
goes to a barbershop in which one customer notes that “it’s not pos-
Fury and the Victim Film 99
20. Fury: Joe Wilson (Spencer Tracy) is alone wherever he goes, even in this
intense face-off with a girl in a nightclub (Esther Muir), cut from the ending
of the completed film.
sible to get a law that denies the right to say what one believes.” One
of the two barbers knows that freedom of speech is protected by the
Constitution because he had to read it when he became a citizen; but
the other, Hector (Raymond Hatton), is not such a defender of individual
freedom: “People get funny impulses. If you resist them, you’re
sane. If you don’t, you’re on your way to the nuthouse, or the pen.”
Confessing that he has often been tempted, in shaving his customers,
to cut their throats instead, he succeeds in frightening his customer
into bolting his chair. Is the law an effective protection against the irrationally
destructive impulses of individuals, or simply a guarantor
of individual freedoms whose effect is to privilege a majoritarian mob
as We the People? Such a question goes to the heart of a peculiarly
American solicitude for individual rights under the law. In recapitulating
the Founding Fathers’ debate over the drafting of the Constitution,
however, Lang seems far less confident than James Madison that laws
enacted and enforced by individuals can rescue people from themselves,
or from the mobs to which their selfishness and hysteria drive
them.

The failures of law in the film are due in part to local corruption, a
perversion of legal principle by private interest. As Sheriff Hummel
waits helplessly for the National Guard to answer his call while the
mob grows outside, Lang cuts away to show the ineffectual governor
(Howard C. Hickman) overridden by the oily political advisor Will
Vickery (Edwin Maxwell), who is concerned only for the governor’s
political popularity. But legal institutions are subject to far more insidious
and systemic forms of perversion as well. Once Charlie and Tom,
secretly fed information by Joe, succeed in building their case, they
sit back and watch as woodenly noble District Attorney Adams (Walter
Abel), at first frustrated in his appeal to the jury’s “patriotism”
by the staunch refusal of his witnesses to implicate anyone, brings
into court a newsreel that shows key members of the mob in damning
close-up. The episode has often been discussed as an example of the
way cinema uses its evidentiary value to validate or to question its
own fictional representational practices,9 a confusion fostered by Joe’s
bitter observation to his brothers that he has watched movie footage
of his death repeatedly in a theater even though he did not really die.
The scene places less emphasis on cinema as the ultimate arbiter of
legal truth, however, than on institutional justice clouded by personal
vindictiveness; for as Adams smugly proclaims, he has called his witnesses
only in order to entrap them in perjury before unveiling the
photographic evidence that has presumably been available to him all
along. Every champion of justice, however pure his or her motives
may be, is actually, like the mob, out for revenge [Fig. 21]. In calling
on cinema as evidence in order to question not so much its own signifying
practices as the motives behind its use, the film raises the question
of whether justice is ever anything more than legally sanctioned
revenge.

Along with its indictment of the American citizenry as at heart a mob,
its Everyman hero as maddened by his quest for vengeance, and the
justice system as arbitrary, corrupt, and vindictive, Fury indicts its
viewers as equally complicit in the thirst for violence revenge that
sweeps through Lang’s world like a contagion. At the same time as the
film shows the catastrophic results of Joe’s obsession with vengeance,
it encourages viewers to share that obsession by painting the defendants
as such hateful targets, subversively re-creating the same atti-
21. Fury: His brother Tom (George Walcott) is taken aback by the vindictive
satisfaction Joe Wilson (Spencer Tracy) takes in cinematic evidence against
the mob, in another scene cut from the film.
tude in viewers that the lynch mob had originally adopted toward Joe.
Thus, even as the film unmasks the obsessive hatred behind Joe’s
fury, it urges that fury on the audience. By the film’s climax, viewers
who are in tune with the conventions of victim films are caught in the
impossible position of wanting the twenty-two members of the lynch
mob to be punished, even though they can see that the twenty-two are
innocent of murder, and of wanting Joe to get revenge for his suffering,
even though they can see that getting revenge will destroy him. Like
Hitchcock in films from Suspicion to Psycho, Lang traps his viewers
in the morally complicit judgments his dramatization of the victim’s
story has invited them to make.
Fury’s greatest achievement, in fact, is not its dramatization of the
evils of lynching or its unblinking representation of the way Joe’s obsession
with legal revenge has made him indistinguishable from the
mob. Rather, it is Lang’s creation of a lynch-mob mentality within viewers,
who are forced by the film’s disconcerting ending to acknowledge
both their own implication in the impossible totalitarian dream of personal
revenge cloaked as justice, and the uneasy knowledge that all
institutions of justice are fueled by the desire for revenge. More ruthlessly
than any other victim film, Fury forces its audience to choose
between a collective identity that reduces them to a lawless mob and
an individual identity as the equally lawless vigilante who alone can
right the wrongs the system cannot punish.

Crime Films/Thomas Leitch/ http://www.cambridge.org

Criminal Anxieties, Criminal Jokes


As the 1990s wore on, however, it became clear that however cynical
Americans may have grown about the justice system, they were even
more frightened of criminals. After years of polls in which fewer than
10 percent of respondents listed crime as the nation’s most important
problem, it abruptly shot to the top of the 1994 Gallup Poll, with some
40 percent of respondents listing it as most important.26 The recreational
use of drugs, taken for granted by a generation of upper-class
college students in the 1960s and 1970s, had been stigmatized by
crack cocaine, whose low street price and well-publicized rush of euphoria
made it the drug of choice among the black underclass. As legislators
imposing mandatory minimum sentences, and police officers
under heavy pressure to clean out crack houses and preserve decaying
cities moved against the epidemic with a series of Wars on Drugs,
the prison population skyrocketed. For the first time since Prohibition,
a large number of Americans were jailed for an activity openly enjoyed
by an even larger number. This time, however, public attitudes toward
drugs were divided far more closely along class lines. America’s inner
cities, reeling from the effects of the exodus to the suburbs, were widely
associated with poverty and crime. Unlike Prohibition audiences,
who could always be relied on to find some point of contact with the
fictional surrogates of the criminals who supplied liquor to every social
class, citizens who endured or read about drug-related crimes like
robbery and burglary now found themselves identifying with victims
rather than criminals – not because members of the middle and upper
classes had never used drugs, but because they had never used the
highly addictive crack that was subject to the most severe criminal
penalties.

Drug abuse, which had once been reserved for message dramas like
The Man with the Golden Arm (1955) and Bigger Than Life (1956), had
by now become a trope for corruption (La Bamba, 1987; The Five
Heartbeats, 1991; Casino, 1995; Basquiat, 1996; Boogie Nights, 1997) and
hard-core criminality (GoodFellas, 1990; Rush, 1991; One False Move,
1991; Bad Lieutenant, 1992; Point of No Return, 1993). One of the most
striking differences between the 1932 Scarface and Brian De Palma’s
1983 remake is between Tony Camonte, who makes a fortune by selling
beer but is never shown drinking, and Marielito Tony Montana,
shown at one point collapsing in a pile of his product, undone as much
by consuming as by selling cocaine. The 1983 Scarface traded on the
forbidden glamour of drug use as a token of the economic success
that both confirmed the characters’ arrival among the upper classes
and prepared for their downfall [Fig. 9].
Audiences proved similarly conflicted in their attitudes toward
screen violence. On the one hand, the violence of movies, along with
that of children’s television programming and video games, was in-
8. My Cousin Vinny: The antilawyer turned lawyer hero. (Marisa Tomei, Fred
Gwynne, Joe Pesci)
creasingly condemned as a trigger for the violence of youthful “superpredators”
and high-school terrorists. On the other hand, violence
was more and more successful, and more and more in demand, in selling
movies to a generation of teenagers who had grown up with remote
controls that had sharpened their impatience, discouraged the
deferred gratifications of slow-moving films, and reintroduced Mack
Sennett’s eighty-year-old principle of slapstick comedy: The introduction,
buildup, and payoff of each joke had to take less than a minute.
These deepening divisions in audiences’ attitudes toward violence,
criminals, and the law – divisions, however often staged as debates
among different people, that clearly ran deep within many individual
audience members – produced a rich array of contradictory films and
contradictory responses. In 1991, in a show of Academy unanimity
matched only in 1934 and 1975, The Silence of the Lambs swept all four
top awards, along with a writing Oscar; yet the film’s success was anything
but unanimous, blasted as it was by reviewers like Michael Medved
who insisted that it was disastrously out of step with mainstream
American values.27 The ensuing decade produced important and hotly
debated films about the relations between criminals and the police
9. Scarface (1983): Marielito Tony Montana (Al Pacino) wasted by the drugs
that mark his success.
(One False Move; Heat, 1995), a continued updating of the neo-noir
tradition in the erotic thriller (Basic Instinct, 1992; Body of Evidence,
1993), a postmodern renewal of the gangster film (Reservoir Dogs,
1991; Pulp Fiction, 1994), a return of the unofficial detective (Devil in
a Blue Dress, 1995) and the innocent man on the run (The Fugitive,
1993), and the reemergence of the lawyer film (the John Grisham industry,
with its prodigious influence on popular fiction as well as popular
film).
Among the welter of these releases, a few developments stand out
with particular clarity. First is the adaptation of the gangster film to
the gangs sociologists and citizens alike find peculiar to the nineties:
young, urban, African-American street gangs. The pivotal success of
Spike Lee, whose films from Do the Right Thing (1989) to Summer of
Sam (1999) tend to treat crime peripherally, encouraged African-
American directors like Mario Van Peebles, John Singleton, and Ernest
Dickerson to present their own versions of contemporary gang life.
Van Peebles, whose father had made Sweet Sweetback’s Baad Asssss
Song twenty years earlier, followed the plot of Scarface surprisingly
closely in New Jack City (1991), warning of the false promises of drug
use and the culture it spawned [Fig. 10]. Boyz N the Hood (1991), which
made Singleton the youngest director ever to be nominated for an
10. New Jack City: An equal-opportunity drug culture. (Allen Payne, Wesley
Snipes, Christopher Williams)
Oscar, was even more searingly realistic in its portrayal of the allure
of gang life as the only community open to black ghetto kids, and the
ambiguities surrounding two meanings of the word “gangs”: the social
units young people always tend to form, and the criminal organizations
contemporary audiences use the term to identify.28
Unlike the blaxploitation films of the seventies, these films, though
targeting primarily African-American audiences, had far more crossover
appeal; but they were never as commercially successful as the
series of comedy/action vehicles for Eddie Murphy (48 Hrs., 1982;
Another 48 Hrs., 1990; Beverly Hills Cop, 1984, its sequels, 1987, 1994)
and the salt-and-pepper team of Mel Gibson and Danny Glover (Lethal
Weapon, 1987, and its three sequels, 1989–98). The box-office enthusiasm
that greeted standup comic Murphy’s debut as a foul-mouthed
convict-turned-detective in 48 Hrs. and the small effort required to
turn him into a Detroit cop in the later franchise attested to audiences’
hunger for antiauthoritarian authority figures [Fig. 11] – a hunger Lethal
Weapon, which featured the relatively rooted family man Roger Murtaugh
(Glover) barely restraining his “lethal weapon” police partner,
the manic maverick Martin Riggs (Gibson), was designed once again
to feed. The more modest success of the seven farcical Police Academy
films (1984–94) showed that the formula demanded not toothlessly
comical cops but wisecracking and independent action as the
logical responses to dramatic tension and social oppression; the
threat had to be as real as the release.
The most ambivalent of all nineties crime films, however, were the
postmodern fables of David Lynch, Joel and Ethan Coen, and Quentin
Tarantino. Lynch’s Blue Velvet (1986), which mingled cloyingly saccharine
glimpses of small-town Americana with horrific revelations about
its psychosexual underside, marked a watershed in the history of
criminal nightmares whose dark joke was that they seemed much
more real than the supposedly normal surface above. The Coen brothers,
beginning with Blood Simple (1984), set their seal on a new round
of ironic crime comedies so dark that many audiences could not explain
why they were laughing. Tarantino’s startling Reservoir Dogs
(1991), which uses the caper-gone-wrong to examine the nature of
male posturing and male loyalty, attracted notice mainly for its unflinching
violence, but his masterly Pulp Fiction, whose gangster heroes
always had time in between their last round of killing and the
next unanticipated trapdoor about to open beneath their feet to debate
such moral quiddities as the meaning of a foot massage or the
personality a pig would have to have to be edible, offered an exuberantly
comic counterpoint to Lynch’s nightmare vision of middle America.
Tarantino’s trademark moments – the plunging of a hypodermic
into the breast of the untouchable, accidentally overdosed gangster’s
wife Mia Wallace (Uma Thurman), the double-crossing boxer Butch
Coolidge (Bruce Willis) and his mortal enemy Marsellus Wallace (Ving
Rhames) taken prisoner by a pair of homosexual rapists much more
dangerous than they are, the accidental point-blank shooting of the
gang member being asked by Vincent Vega (John Travolta) whether
he believes in miracles – treat criminal violence as a cosmic joke
whose point, like the threat of nuclear holocaust in Dr. Strangelove
(1964), is precisely that jokes are an inadequate response to death,
chaos, and annihilation. The nature of Lynch’s and Tarantino’s jokey
send-ups of contemporary social anxieties by translating them into
impossibly elaborate criminal plots inaugurated a hip new subgenre
of ironic crime comedies like 2 Days in the Valley (1996) [Fig. 12], Happiness
(1998), Lock, Stock, and Two Smoking Barrels (1999), Go (1999),
and Nurse Betty (2000).
As Hollywood addressed Americans’ indecision about whether
crime should be treated as a social epidemic or a sick joke by com-
Historical and Cultural Overview 49
11. Beverly Hills Cop: Eddie Murphy (center) as anti-authoritarian authority
figure.
bining both perspectives in films like Blue Velvet and Pulp Fiction, popular
fascination with the law soared to new heights. Although Americans
regularly affirmed their disillusionment with courts and lawyers,
they responded eagerly to fictional representations of the law. Fueled
by Scott Turow’s novel Presumed Innocent (1987), which turned a criminal
prosecutor into the defendant in a high-profile murder case, and
John Grisham’s The Firm (1989), which allowed a rookie lawyer to
disentangle himself from his mob-connected Memphis firm, the legal
thriller became a best-selling literary genre for the first time since Robert
Travers’s Anatomy of a Murder (1956). Nor was this triumph restricted
to fictional courtroom drama. The success of Court TV and
the replacement of the heavily fictionalized television program Divorce
Court by the real-life proceedings of The People’s Court and Judge
Judy groomed a new audience for an apparently limitless succession
of unofficial Crimes of the Century, each of them minutely described,
analyzed, cataloged, and second-guessed in the news media by the
few legal experts who were not busy grinding out their own novels.
O. J. Simpson’s two trials, for murder and for violating his murdered
wife Nicole Brown Simpson’s and her late friend Ronald Goldman’s
12. 2 Days in the Valley: Ironic crime comedy in the tradition of Pulp Fiction.
(Glenne Headly, Greg Cruttwell, Danny Aiello)
civil rights – the acknowledged landmark in this series of court cases
– set a pattern for fairy-tale characters, exotic backgrounds, inexhaustible
plot twists, an epic sense of scale and duration, strong partisan
interests along preexisting lines of race and class, and a colorful array
of legal personalities, most of whom wasted no time when the case
was over in rushing into memoirs or novels revealing themselves even
more fully to a waiting world. Secure in their knowledge that lawyers,
loved or hated, are always opposed by other lawyers who can be hated
or loved, audiences for this endless soap opera of real-life justice
could find in it just the magic carpet to keep their ambivalence toward
the law aloft indefinitely.

Crime Films/Thomas Leitch/ http://www.cambridge.org

The Establishment on Trial


By 1960, it was clear that the movies had lost their battle with television
as America’s preeminent mass-entertainment medium. Despite
Hollywood’s brief flirtation with 3-D and its more lasting embrace
of color and widescreen images beyond the scope of most television
sets, movie receipts fell to an all-time low in 1963. Movie theaters
could entice audiences away from the free entertainment they could
find at home only by offering something television could not offer. In
the crime film, that something was first violence, then sex. The increasing
irrelevance of the Production Code ever since the challenges
of The Moon Is Blue and Baby Doll invited Hollywood filmmakers to
the greater explicitness the economic peril of the industry seemed
to justify.
The first important film to accept this invitation was Psycho, whose
director, Alfred Hitchcock, shot it in six weeks using a television crew
and a shoestring budget of $800,000.22 Psycho looked like nothing audiences
had ever seen on television, or in movie theaters either. With
its relentless omission of uplifting characters or subplots and its celebrated
forty-five-second butchering of its heroine in an innocuous
motel shower, it marked the beginning of a brutal new era in Hollywood
filmmaking. By the time Hitchcock matched the violence of Psycho
with the sexual candor of the rape in Frenzy (1972), however, the
wave of explictness he had begun had left him behind. William Castle’s
low-budget horror films (Homicidal, 1961; Strait-Jacket, 1964; etc.)
showed far more baroque violence than Psycho, and the sight of Janet
Leigh in a brassiere, so daring in 1960, was soon dated by the sexual
candor of Jane Fonda’s Oscar-winning performance as the prostitute
Bree Daniels in Klute (1971). By 1969, Midnight Cowboy, one of the first
movies to be classified under the new MPAA ratings system established
that year,23 could become the first X-rated film to win the Academy
Award for Best Picture.
Even as industry executives were nervously watching the slow
growth of their box-office receipts through the later 1960s, they could
not have predicted the explosive impact on the new Hollywood violence
of the antiestablishment feelings sparked by the Vietnam War.
As college students at Berkeley and Columbia demonstrated against
racial injustice and the war and Mayor Richard Daley prepared to call
the Chicago police out against antiwar protestors at the 1968 Democratic
presidential convention, two films released during the summer
of 1967 unexpectedly reaped huge benefits from their antiestablishment
tone: The Graduate and Bonnie and Clyde. Arthur Penn’s flamboyant,
affecting, and ultimately tragic saga of a pair of Depression-era
gangsters, originally dismissed by reviewers as inconsistent and pointless,
not only set new, post-Psycho standards for onscreen violence but
helped identify a niche market of American teenagers who had previously
had to make do with the likes of Pat Boone and Elvis Presley.
Weighing Bonnie and Clyde’s amoral killing against their youthful ignorance,
the film managed to demonize the same American institutions
as the gangster cycle of the thirties – the police, the banks, the
law – but this time in metaphoric terms, using a pair of criminals from
the thirties to attack the moral injustice of the draft and the violent
injustice of the American experience in Vietnam [Fig. 7].24
At a time when images of the Vietnam War were playing on American
television news every evening yet Hollywood was virtually ignoring
the war – except for valentines like John Wayne’s triumphalist The
7. Bonnie and Clyde: Using thirties iconography to attack sixties authority.
(Gene Hackman, Estelle Parsons, Warren Beatty, Faye Dunaway, Michael J.
Pollard)
Green Berets (1968) – Bonnie and Clyde, along with Sam Peckinpah’s
apocalyptic western The Wild Bunch (1969), used the metaphors of
comfortably formulaic genres to tap into antiestablishment rage.
Along with Point Blank (1967), John Boorman’s coolly elusive story of
a thief’s vendetta against the Army buddy who betrayed him and the
criminal organization that employs the buddy, it reaffirmed the primacy
of the heroic loner after a decade in which crime films had been
pressed into the service of communal values. And along with The
Graduate and the cult hit Easy Rider (1969), it helped identify the youth
audience – especially dating couples, who preferred films to television
because moviegoing allowed them to get out of their parents’ homes
– as the most loyal of all movie audiences, and the one to whom the
majority of Hollywood films would soon come to be directed.
In the meantime, Hollywood was courting other niche audiences.
When Shaft (1971) revealed the extent of an underserved African-
American audience by showcasing a black private eye and a title song
by Isaac Hayes, the first African-American composer to win an Oscar,
studios rushed to follow it with Superfly (1972), Black Caesar (1973),
Coffy (1973), Cleopatra Jones (1973), Black Godfather (1974), Foxy
Brown (1974), The Black Six (1974), and enough others to create a new
genre: the blaxploitation film. The label aptly implied that the films
were produced and marketed by white Americans for the sole purpose
of attracting, even pandering to, a new audience. Certainly most of
their stars – Richard Roundtree, Ron O’Neal, Fred Williamson, Pam
Grier, Rod Perry, Tamara Dobson – proved a tough sell to white audiences.
25 But although this new infusion of ethnic talent, channeled almost
exclusively into crime films pitting trash-talking heroes and heroines
against the Man, was slower to cross over into the Hollywood
mainstream than the sensibility of the European émigrés a generation
before, the blaxploitation genre offered a new showcase to established
African-American stars like Sidney Poitier, Bill Cosby, Harry Belafonte,
Flip Wilson, and Richard Pryor (Uptown Saturday Night, 1974), gave a
new impetus to interracial crime stories (In the Heat of the Night, 1967;
Across 110th Street, 1972), and occasionally captured an authentic
sense of ethnic rage (Sweet Sweetback’s Baad Asssss Song, 1971).
It was only a matter of time before the growing rage against the establishment,
as virulent as during the Depression but now unfettered
by the Depression-era Production Code, spilled over into the portrayal
of the police themselves. Only three years after Bullitt (1968) had
set the saintly cop Lt. Frank Bullitt (Steve McQueen) between ruthless
mob killers and equally ruthless politicians, and four years after In the
Heat of the Night had been the first crime film to win a Best Picture
Oscar, the Oscar-winning police drama The French Connection (1971)
dispensed with Bullitt’s noble hero and In the Heat of the Night’s uplifting
endorsement of racial equality in its annihilating portrait of the
NYPD, personified in maverick cop Jimmy “Popeye” Doyle (Gene
Hackman). Tireless, brutal, vicious, indifferent to the constraints of
the law and his superiors, as violent as the druglords he pursued,
Doyle represented both the ideally intuitive police detective popularized
by decades of films since “G” Men and the audience’s worst nightmares
of the public abuse of authority.
The film’s portrait of institutional authority was too lacerating to be
simply recycled. Its 1975 sequel – in which Doyle, traveling to Marseilles
in search of the French druglord (Fernando Rey) who eluded
him at the end of the first film, is kidnapped, hooked on heroin, and
then released to the French police, who hold him in secret while forcing
him to go through the horrors of cold-turkey withdrawal – makes
him far more sympathetic, even to restoring a speech attesting his
fondness for Willie Mays that had been cut from the earlier film.
Meanwhile, The Godfather (1972) had rivaled The French Connection’s
success at the Academy Awards, winning Oscars for Best Actor,
Best Adapted Screenplay, and Best Picture, and exceeded Popeye
Doyle’s pull at the box office. This time, however, audiences and critics
were responding not only to the film’s portrait of a hero corrupted
by the “family business” of organized crime, but by its nostalgic celebration
of the strong, if ultimately tragic, ties among the Corleones.
In a world in which no one can be trusted, the film seemed to suggest,
family, for better or worse, is everything. Other crime films seemed
equally ready to burrow into the past, either as a strategic retreat
from the present (Murder on the Orient Express, 1974) or as a safely distant
vantage point from which to explore the intractable contemporary
problems of corruption and greed (Chinatown, 1974).
When movies turned again to establishment heroes, their criticism
was more measured and equivocal. Even Dirty Harry (1971) and its
four sequels (1973–88) gave its rogue cop better excuses for his reckless
behavior than The French Connection had for Doyle’s, from more
dangerous criminal adversaries like the well-organized rogue cops in
Magnum Force (1973) to a fistful of Christian analogues that helped
establish his credentials as a traditional, though unexpected, moral
hero. Yet the antiauthoritarian legacy of Vietnam left law enforcers of
every stripe under a shadow, particularly after the Watergate scandal
had the effect of criminalizing in the public imagination the entire executive
branch of the federal government. Lawyers, the most obvious
villains in the Watergate cover-up, fell to such a low point in public esteem
that the most admirable Hollywood lawyer heroes were the antilawyers
of . . . And Justice for All (1979), The Verdict (1982), and My
Cousin Vinny (1992) [Fig. 8] and the nonlawyers of Regarding Henry
(1991) and The Pelican Brief (1993). Even the blue-sky heroics of Superman
(1978) and its three sequels (1981–7) gave way to the darker heroics
of Batman (1989) and its three sequels (1992–7), in which the
Dark Knight is repeatedly upstaged, like Dick Tracy, by villains more
interesting than he is.

Crime Films/Thomas Leitch/ http://www.cambridge.org

The Problem of the Crime Film


The crime film is the most enduringly popular of all Hollywood
genres, the only kind of film that has never once been out of
fashion since the dawn of the sound era seventy years ago. It
is therefore surprising to discover that, at least as far as academic criticism
is concerned, no such genre exists. Carlos Clarens’s magisterial
study Crime Movies (1980) begins by criticizing Robert Warshow’s
seminal essay “The Gangster as Tragic Hero” (1948) for its narrow definition
of the gangster film, based on liberal social assumptions that
“limited genres to one dimension apiece.” Yet Clarens’s definition of
the crime film is equally delimited by its pointed exclusion of “psychological
thriller[s]” like Shadow of a Doubt (1943), Laura (1944), and Kiss
Me Deadly (1955) from its purview on the grounds that their characters
are insufficiently emblematic of “the Criminal, the Law, and Society.”
1 Larry Langman and Daniel Finn place themselves outside the debate
over whether or not crime films include psychological thrillers
by announcing in the Preface to their encyclopedic reference, A Guide
to American Crime Films of the Forties and Fifties: “The American crime
film does not belong to any genre. . . . Instead, it embodies many
genres.”2 But their attempt to rise above the problem of classification
merely indicates how deeply entrenched that problem is.
None of this academic quibbling has prevented crime films from retaining
their popularity, or even from entering universities as the object
of closer scrutiny. But subgenres of the crime film, like the gangster
film of the 1930s and the film noir of the 1940s, have been more
often, and more successfully, theorized than the forbiddingly broad
genre of the crime film itself – this genre that is not a genre, even

though an enormous audience recognizes and enjoys it, and a substantial
following is interested in analyzing it critically. The unabated
popularity of mystery and detective fiction, the burgeoning of such recent
literary subgenres as the serial-killer novel and the novel of legal
intrigue, the efflorescence of true-crime books, and the well-publicized
criminal trials that keep Court TV in business all attest to the American
public’s fascination with narratives of crime. The crime film therefore
represents an enormously promising, but hitherto neglected, focus
for a genre approach to cultural studies.
To the question of whether the crime film is a genre or an umbrella
term for a collection of diverse genres like the gangster film, the detective
film, and the police film must be added another question: What
does it matter? After all, what difference does it make whether the film
noir is a genre or a subheading of a broader genre? To anyone but a
few scholars of genre studies, these questions might seem inconsequential
to the widespread understanding and enjoyment of crime
films.
It is exactly this understanding and enjoyment, though, that are at
issue in the definition of any genre. Raymond Bellour has pointed out
that viewers for Hollywood musicals like Gigi (1958) are able to put
aside their general expectation that each scene will advance the plot
because of their familiarity with the more specific convention of musicals
that successive scenes often present lyrical, tonal, or meditative
“rhymes” instead, so that a scene of Gigi explaining how she feels troubled
and baffled by love is logically followed by a scene in which Gaston
professes similar feelings, even if there is no causal link between
the two.3 On a more practical level, it is viewers’ familiarity with the
conventions of the musical that prevents them from cringing in bewilderment
or distaste when the story stops dead so that Fred Astaire
can dance or Elvis Presley can sing. Learning the generic rules of musicals
does not necessarily allow viewers to enjoy them more, but it
does allow them to predict more accurately whether they are likely to
enjoy them at all. It is therefore a matter of some importance to many
viewers whether or not films like The Wizard of Oz (1939) and Aladdin
(1992) are categorized as musicals, for their feelings about musicals
are likely to influence how much they will enjoy such films, or whether
they are likely to watch them in the first place. This is not to say that
only viewers who like musicals will like The Wizard of Oz and Aladdin.
Both films, in fact, are well-known for appealing to many viewers who
do not ordinarily watch musicals; but appreciative viewers who recog-

nize either film as a musical are more likely to be receptive to other
films that resemble them, confirming the importance of genre in accurately
predicting their enjoyment.
In the same way, asking whether films like Bonnie and Clyde (1967)
and The Wild Bunch (1969) are westerns, even if different viewers answer
the question differently, acknowledges the ways each film’s affinities
to the western – its similarities in mise-en-scène, action, and moral
problems to those of the western – places them in a context that
helps to sharpen and illuminate them. A familiarity with John Wayne’s
outsized heroic persona in westerns like Stagecoach (1939) and Fort
Apache (1948) deepens viewers’ understanding of the more problematic
but equally outsized heroes he plays in later westerns like Red
River (1948), The Searchers (1956), and The Shootist (1976). In each
case, the conventions of the western provide a context that may make
Wayne’s actions more ironic, tragic, or elegiac – certainly more richly
nuanced and comprehensible.
Viewers use many contexts, smaller or larger than established
genres like the western, to interpret conventions of action and performance.
Most viewers watching Stagecoach, for example, assume that
Wayne’s character, the Ringo Kid, will survive his climactic shootout
with the Plummer family, even though he is outmanned and outgunned,
because the survival of characters played by John Wayne is
statistically an excellent bet and because the conventions of classical
Hollywood narrative films4 like Stagecoach make it more likely that
Ringo will proceed to a rousingly heroic climax rather than survive a
hazardous attack by Geronimo’s braves only to be shot down on his
arrival in Lordsburg. Even more fundamentally, most viewers assume
that a climactic shootout will take place in the streets of Lordsburg
because the conventions of classical Hollywood narrative predicate
the resolution of the leading announced conflicts and an economy of
representation that requires each person traveling in the stagecoach
to fulfill the promise of his character and reveal his true nature. But
all these expectations are generic, based as they are on a knowledge
of the wider, though by no means universal, genre of classical Hollywood
narrative within which the western occupies a place that gives
its own conventions their special potency.
Because viewers understand and enjoy movies largely through their
knowledge of the generic conventions, the question of whether gangster
films have enough in common with whodunits and erotic thrillers
to constitute a single genre of crime films is important to many more

people than just film scholars. Even viewers who think they are interpreting
Brian De Palma’s remake of Scarface (1983) exclusively in light
of the conventions of the gangster genre – or, more narrowly, in light
of its departures from Howard Hawks’s 1932 film of the same title –
may well be seeing it in the context of the broader genre of the crime
film. The example of Stagecoach suggests that genres characteristically
nest in one another, the most sharply focused (the John Wayne
western, for instance) drawing their powers from their specific transformations
and adaptations of the conventions of broader genres like
the western or still broader genres like the classical Hollywood narrative.
Although viewers are most likely to be consciously aware of the
narrowest genres, the broader genres that are operating simultaneously
are equally, though less visibly, influential in directing their responses.
Because every genre is a subgenre of a wider genre from
whose contexts its own conventions take their meaning, it makes
sense to think of the gangster film as both a genre on its own terms
and a subgenre of the crime film.
If a genre can be as specific as the John Wayne western or as general
as the well-made Hollywood narrative, then it is clearly possible
to defend the crime film as a genre simply by installing it at a level of
generality somewhere between the gangster film and the classical
Hollywood narrative. But such a solution would prove nothing at all;
it would merely introduce still another category to a field already
crisscrossed with genre markers. The aim of this book is therefore not
simply to introduce a new generic category of the crime film but to
explain how such a category has already been operating to inform
viewers’ understanding and enjoyment of such apparently diverse
genres as the gangster film, the film noir, and the crime comedy.
Establishing the crime film as a genre as rich as those of the western
or the horror film – or, for that matter, the gangster film or the film noir
– raises the problems involved in defining any genre. Genre theorists
have long recognized this as a chicken-and-egg problem. If a genre like
the western can be defined only in terms of its members, but the members
can be recognized as such only by viewers who are already familiar
with the genre, how can viewers recognize any genre without
already having seen every film arguably within its boundaries?5 The
short answer to this question is that they can’t; hence the disagreements
that inevitably arise over whether The Wizard of Oz is to count
as a musical by viewers who have different ideas about what a musical
is. A contrary answer is that they can, despite the lack of theoret-

ical justification. Even if theorists were to demonstrate that the western
was a logically indefensible category, nonspecialist viewers would
go on referring to it because it is so useful and, except at its boundaries,
so easily recognized. Most people can recognize their friends
more easily than they can describe them because different skills are
involved in recognition and description, so that even Supreme Court
Justice Potter Stewart’s oft-ridiculed pronouncement that he couldn’t
define pornography, but “I know it when I see it,” makes sense.6
Recognizing genre conventions is clearly a developmental process.
Few children understand the conventions of Hollywood westerns,
but most adults do. Adults have gradually picked up the conventions
through exposure to particular examples of the genre, because their
understanding of the genre and of particular examples of it have been
mutually reinforcing. When revisionist westerns like Duel in the Sun
(1946) or Unforgiven (1992) appear, they are either dismissed as nonwesterns
or antiwesterns, sharpening the genre’s definition through
their exclusion, or they succeed in redefining the whole notion of the
western by exploring new possibilities implicit in the genre. The mutability
of generic conventions makes it clear that genres are best
thought of as contexts that evolve in both personal and social history,
the contingent results of ongoing transactions between viewers and
movies, rather than eternally fixed and mutually exclusive categories.7
Even given this transactional, evolutionary concept of genres, there
will always be debates about films on the margins of any particular
genre, since many viewers believe, for example, that Singin’ in the Rain
(1952) feels more like a musical than Fun in Acapulco (1963). Some fifteen
years ago, Rick Altman proposed a distinction between syntactic
and semantic definitions of genre to account for the phenomenon of
musicals that have many of the generic markers of musicals (a recognized
musical star like Elvis Presley sings several numbers) but not
others (Fun in Acapulco does not explore the thematic relationships
between performance and sincerity, public and private life, that are
central to musicals like Singin’ in the Rain).8 More recently, Altman has
suggested “a semantic/syntactic/pragmatic approach to genre” to incorporate
into his grammar of textual markers a more systematic
awareness of the multiple users and uses even the simplest films find.9
It is no wonder that Altman has expanded his earlier theory in the
light of the many films marked by conflicting, often shifting generic
allegiances. Most westerns from The Great Train Robbery (1903) to
Unforgiven are organized around stories of crime and punishment;
yet few viewers have called them crime films. If Sunset Blvd. (1950) is
to be counted as film noir because of its confining mise-en-scène, its
trapped hero, and its use of a fatalistic flashback, should Citizen Kane
(1941) be counted as noir too? Is Something Wild (1986) [Fig. 1] a crime
film or a screwball comedy gone wrong? Critics have often coined
nonce terms like “superwestern” and “neo-noir” to describe films that
transform or combine elements from different genres, but these terms
raise as many problems as they solve. If Outland (1981) is an outerspace
western – High Noon (1952) in space – is Assault on Precinct 13
(1976), John Carpenter’s homage to Rio Bravo (1959), an inner-city
western?

This problem of cross-generic allegiances persists even within the
crime film.10 Is The Thin Man (1934) a private-eye story or a crime
comedy? Is The Maltese Falcon (1941) a hard-boiled detective story or
a film noir? The Usual Suspects (1995) combines elements of the gangster
film and the whodunit; how is it to be classified? What to make of
police films that are also studies of criminals, like The Untouchables
(1987) and The Silence of the Lambs (1991) [Fig. 2]? And what about
White Heat (1949), which combines a gangster hero, a film-noir heroine,
an undercover cop, and an extended prison sequence that borrows
the conventions of many another prison film? These problems
are not solved by using the genre of the crime film to dissolve all distinctions
among its long-recognized subgenres; nor are they solved by
declaring one subgenre the categorical victor and ignoring the claims
of others. It makes sense, in such a work of classification as the bibliography
to Barry Grant’s Film Genre: Theory and Criticism, to exclude
gangster films from the crime-film genre on the grounds that “that
group of films is clearly defined to the extent that it can be understood
as comprising a distinct and separate genre.”11 But the distinctiveness
of the gangster film’s conventions cannot support an argument for any
essential distinction between gangster films and crime films, because
there is no reason to assume that distinctive genres are parallel and
mutually exclusive. The caper film, for example, has its own distinctive
generic rules, but those rules do not prevent it from being widely
recognized as a subgenre of an even more well-established genre, the
gangster film, whose gangsters have been assembled in caper films on
an ad hoc basis for a particular job.
Instead of attempting to construct genres that are mutually exclusive,
it would be more judicious to agree with Janet Staiger that “Hollywood
films have never been pure instances of genres,”12 from D. W.
Griffith’s combination of historical epic, war movie, domestic melodrama,
and racial propaganda in The Birth of a Nation (1915) to George
Lucas’s revitalization of science fiction in Star Wars (1977) by recycling
the story of Akira Kurosawa’s samurai comedy-drama The Hidden Fortress
(Kakushi toride no san akunin, 1958), itself based largely on the
conventions of the Hollywood western.
The multiple generic allegiances of most films, however, are obscured
by the fact that some such allegiances have historically overridden
others. Any story presented in animated form, from the musical
romance Beauty and the Beast (1991) to the epic Lord of the Rings
(1978), will automatically be classified as a cartoon because the animated
cartoon is a stronger genre than the genres of romance and
epic. Virtually any story with a setting in nineteenth-century western
America will be classified as a western, because the claims of the western
override the claims of competing genres. Films like Harlan County,
U.S.A. (1976) and Hoop Dreams (1994) are commonly classified together
as documentaries rather than distinguished in terms of their subject
matter. In the same way, films like Blazing Saddles (1974) and The

Naked Gun: From the Files of Police Squad! (1988) are classified as parodies
rather than as members of the various genres whose conventions
they mock, because their parodic intent trumps their affinities
with the specific genres they are sending up.
What makes a genre strong? The example of the cartoon, the strongest
of all popular genres, suggests that the most powerful generic
claims are based on mise-en-scène. Crime-and-punishment tales like
Winchester 73 (1950) and Rancho Notorious (1952) are classified as
westerns rather than crime films because their setting takes precedence
over their story. Any movie set in outer space, from Buck Rogers
(1939) to Alien (1979), becomes a science-fiction movie. The reason
that film noir is such a strong genre, or subgenre, despite the lack of
any clear consensus about what sort of stories it tells, is the powerfully
homogeneous sense of visual style that unites such diverse noirs
as The Killers (1946), Force of Evil (1948), and The Big Combo (1955).
Almost equally powerful as a generic marker is intent.13 Any movie
whose stated aim is to entertain children will be classified as a children’s
film or a family film, whatever its plot or characters or setting
– unless, of course, it is animated, in which case it will be classified as
a cartoon. Comedy, which seeks to make viewers laugh; horror, which
seeks to make them scream; documentary, which seeks to inform
them about some real-life situation; and parody, which seeks to make
fun of other genres – all these are such strong genres that critics have
long categorized Arsenic and Old Lace (1944) and Married to the Mob
(1988), for example, as comedies about crime, rather than crime films
with some laughs; and reviewers who saw Mars Attacks! (1996) as more
imitation than parody unanimously dismissed the film as a failed parody
rather than a successful imitation because they agreed that a parody’s
first duty is to be funny rather than faithful to its sources.
Weaker genres are based on typological situations (boy meets girl,
ordinary characters get into ridiculous scrapes), characters (zombies,
monsters, oversexed high-school students, attorneys), or presentational
features (the story is periodically interrupted or advanced
by dance numbers). Such genres are most likely to be overridden by
stronger genres whose claims conflict with theirs. Thus Abbott and
Costello Meet Frankenstein (1948) is a comedy rather than a monster
movie, and the transsexual science-fiction horror parody The Rocky
Horror Picture Show (1975), however it is categorized, is rarely described
as a musical. When Brian Henderson argued that The Searchers’s
story of rescuers attempting to save a victim who did not want

to be saved actually crossed the boundaries of the western to constitute
“an American dilemma,” in films as different as Taxi Driver (1976)
and Hardcore (1979), his premise did not have the effect of establishing
a new genre of unwelcome-rescue films because the common story
he described did not have the power to override the conflicting generic
allegiances of the examples he cited.14 The disaster genre that
flourished early in the 1970s (Airport, 1970; The Poseidon Adventure,
1972; Earthquake, 1974; The Towering Inferno, 1974) shows that small
numbers do not necessarily make a genre weak; but the disaster genre
is easily overridden by the conventions of the parody, as in Airplane!
(1980), or the action blockbuster, as in Jaws (1975), originally marketed
as a disaster movie until it was recognized as inaugurating a far
more profitable, hence stronger, genre.

Lacking the box-office potential of such recent blockbusters as Independence
Day (1996) and Titanic (1997), most genres can best display
their strength by articulating the central problems that endow
their stock characters and situations and spectacles with power and
meaning. Even apparently unproblematic genres like the musical and
the cartoon can be seen as organized around problems based on their
distinctive presentational features. Musical performers like Fred Astaire,
Gene Kelly, and Judy Garland typically act out rituals dramatizing
the complex relationship between realism and artifice, sincerity
and performance, both while they are performing their song-anddance
numbers and in their characters’ more private moments. Their
films use production numbers to raise questions about public and
private identities and the dynamics of self-presentation, particularly
within the ritualistic context of romantic courtship. Similarly, just as
cartoons are defined pictorially by a tension between the highly stylized
two-dimensional space in which they are drawn and the more
realistic third dimension they imply, they are defined thematically by
the tension between the requirements of realism (empathetic comingof-
age rituals for Disney heroes from Pinocchio to Simba) and magic
(from the constant transformations of shapes and animated objects
typical of all Disney cartoons to the playful self-reflexiveness of Warner
Bros.’ Duck Amuck, 1953).

No matter how it is defined, the crime film will never be as strong a
genre as the cartoon, the horror film, or the parody. It lacks both the
instantly recognizable mise-en-scène of the animated film (or even the
compellingly stylized visuals of the film noir) and the singleness of intent
of the horror film or the parody. But the crime film is a stronger
genre than theorists of subgenres like the gangster film and the film
noir have acknowledged. In fact, it is a stronger genre than the criminal
subgenres that have commanded more attention, not only because
its scope is by definition broader than theirs, but because the
problem it addresses as a genre, the problem that defines it as a genre,
places the film noir and the gangster film in a more sharply illuminating
context by showing that each of those is part of a coherent larger
project.

The defining problem of the crime film is best approached through
the specific problems involved in establishing it as a genre. Should the
crime film be defined in terms of its subject, its effect, or its visual
style? Many crime films adopt the visual conventions of film noir (lowkey,
high-contrast lighting, unbalanced compositions, night-for-night
exterior shooting), but others do not. If the noir visual style is a defining
feature of the crime film, how are color films like Leave Her to
Heaven (1945), Chinatown (1974), and Pulp Fiction (1994) [Fig. 3] to be
categorized?
If the noir visual style seems to produce too narrow a definition
of the crime film, its characteristic subject, crime, and its frequently

3. Pulp Fiction: A noir world of criminals like Jules Winnfield (Samuel L. Jackson)
without the noir visual style.
sought effect, suspense,15 are impossibly broad. Both crime and suspense
have an important role in a very great number of movies. The
English Patient (1996) presents several important crimes, from robbery
to murder, and a detective figure in David Caravaggio (Willem
Dafoe); do those elements make it a crime film? Every classical Hollywood
narrative depends on some disruption of the social order for its
conflict, and an enormous number of social disruptions (e.g., the fire
in The Towering Inferno, which is started by the illegal installation
of substandard wiring) are rooted in crimes. It would surely be impractical
to call every film in which a crime produces the central dramatic
situation a crime film. The touchstone of suspense is even more
hopelessly vague, since suspense might be called a defining feature
of the well-made Hollywood narrative. Even Jane Austen adaptations
from Pride and Prejudice (1940) to Emma (1996) depend on the suspense
generated by the questions of who will marry whom, and how
the anticipated happy ending can be compassed. How can the crime
film be distinguished from the broader category of the classical Hollywood
narrative, and how useful is such a vaguely defined genre likely
to be?

The problem of defining the crime film is exacerbated by three problems
implicit in its subject. John G. Cawelti has noted that popular narrative
genres almost by definition package “the ultimate excitements
of love and death” within the most reassuring generic formulas in order
to appeal to both viewers’ flight from ennui and their love of security.
16 In crime film, this paradox is linked to the question of crime’s normalcy.
By definition crime is an aberration, a disruption to the normal
workings of society; yet crime films invariably treat crime as normal
even as they observe the ways it undermines the social order. Gangsters
do nothing all day long but smuggle or steal. Police officers pursue
criminals for a living. Every single case a private eye like Philip
Marlowe takes on turns criminal; every adaptation of a John Grisham
novel of legal intrigue, even if the initial proceeding is a civil one, explodes
in violence sooner or later. Crime films all profess to solve the
criminal problems they present by means of a happy ending; yet the
frequency of crime in such films suggests that the more general problems
posed by crime will never be solved. Is criminal behavior in these
films abnormal or all too normal?

The second problem cuts even deeper. In distinguishing between
the heroes of thrillers, who “almost exclusively represent themselves,”
and the heroes of crime films, who “represent the Criminal, the Law,
and Society,” Carlos Clarens implies a distinction between crime as an
isolated event (the province of the thriller) and crime as a metaphor
for social unrest (the province of the crime film).17 But how solid is
this distinction? In Clarens’s terms, the work of Alfred Hitchcock, the
filmmaker most closely identified with crime, includes only thrillers
rather than crime films; yet critics from Eric Rohmer and Claude Chabrol
to Robert Corber have recognized that the criminal plots of all
Hitchcock’s films, from The Lodger (1926) to Psycho (1960), have obvious
moral and social implications that range far beyond the plight of
the characters themselves.18 When is a cinematic crime a metaphor
for an enduring moral dilemma or social upheaval or ideological critique,
and when is a crime just a crime?
The third problem concerns what may seem like the most straightforward
components of the crime film: its stock characters. Every
crime story predicates three leading roles: the criminal who commits
the crime, the victim who suffers it, and the avenger or detective who
investigates it in the hope of bringing the criminal to justice and reestablishing
the social order the crime has disrupted. The three roles
could hardly be more clear-cut, yet they everywhere overlap and melt
into each other. Gangsters like Vito Corleone are devoted family men
concerned only to protect and provide for their loved ones. Victims
like Paul Kersey, the bereaved hero of the Death Wish franchise (1974–
94), turn vigilante in order to avenge their loved ones. Maverick cops
like Harry Callahan, in Dirty Harry (1971) and its sequels Magnum Force
(1973), The Enforcer (1976), Sudden Impact (1983), and The Dead Pool
(1988), break the law in order to catch criminals they know are guilty.
A critique of the justice system is obligatory in Hollywood movies
about lawyers, police officers, or private eyes. When the hero is a good
cop, he is set against an entire corrupt department, as in Serpico
(1973), or ends up battling vigilante demons inside himself, as in The
Untouchables. And Hollywood movies about victims who merely suffer,
as opposed to taking arms against their oppressors, are virtually
unheard of. Evidently crime films both believe and do not believe in
the stock characters at their center; they seem determined to undermine
and blur the boundaries of the typological figures that might
otherwise stake their surest claim to the status of a single genre.
Although these problems might seem to present insuperable obstacles
to the definition of the crime film, they are in fact at the heart of
such a definition: for the crime film does not simply embody these
problems; it is about them. Crime films present as their defining sub-
ject a crime culture that depends on normalizing the unspeakable, a
place where crime is both shockingly disruptive and completely normal.
Crime may have different metaphorical valences in different criminal
subgenres – it can demonstrate the fragility of the social contract
in thrillers about innocent men on the run, attack the economic principles
of the establishment in gangster films, express philosophical
despair in films noirs, test masculine professionalism in private-eye
films – but it is always metaphorical. Every crime in every crime film
represents a larger critique of the social or institutional order – either
the film’s critique or some character’s. Finally, crime films dramatize
not only the distinctive roles of criminal, victim, and avenger but also
their interdependence and their interpenetration.
The problem at the heart of crime films, then, is their attempt to mediate
between two logically contradictory projects. Like all popular
genres, crime films work primarily by invoking and reinforcing a cherished,
but not entirely convincing, series of social bromides: The road
to hell is paved with good intentions, the law is above individuals,
crime does not pay. Crime films need to reinforce these beliefs, just as
viewers want to have them reinforced, in order to confirm the distinctiveness
of the moral and legal categories that allow viewers to maintain
their sense of social decorum and their own secure place in the
social order as law-abiding citizens who know right from wrong, identify
with the innocent, and wish to see the guilty punished. It is no surprise
that the Hollywood film industry is eager to endorse these bromides,
since the industry’s continued success depends on the health
of the capitalist economy. The moral certitudes on which the industry
and its audience agree depend on a series of categorical distinctions
among the roles of victim, who ought, according to Hollywood’s
official morality, to be their natural identification figure; the criminal,
who ought by the same token to be the target of their fear and hatred;
and the avenging detective, who ought to express the law in its purest
yet most personal form.
Viewers for crime films know that these three figures – the innocent
victim, the menacing criminal, the detective who incarnates the law –
never exist in such pure incarnations, not only because of the requirements
of realism and narrative complexity but because they would
be utterly uninteresting. The ritual triumph of avenging heroes over
criminals is compelling only as ritual; to succeed as narrative, it requires
complications and surprises in the conception of the leading
roles and their relationships. The fascination of crime films arises pre-
cisely from the ways they test the limits of their moral categories, engaging
and revealing contradictions in the audience’s fantasies of identification
by mixing elements from these three different positions, the
primary colors of crime films that never occur in isolation. Although
crime films typically move toward endings that confirm the moral absolutes
incarnated in each of their three primary figures, an equally
important function crime films share is to call these primary figures,
and the moral absolutes that inspire them, into question by making a
case for the heroic or pathetic status of the criminal, questioning the
moral authority of the justice system, or presenting innocent characters
who seem guilty or guilty characters who seem innocent. Even
when the endings of crime films endorse a reassuringly absolutist view
of crime and punishment, the middle of such films puts absolutist categories
like hero, authority, innocent, guilty, victim, criminal, and avenger
into play, engaging the doubts and reservations about these labels
that make them fit subjects for mass entertainment as well as moral
debate, and so raising questions that the most emphatically absolutist
endings can never entirely resolve.
Crime films always depend on their audience’s ambivalence about
crime. The master criminal is immoral but glamorous, the maverick
police officer is breaking the law in order to catch the criminals, the
victim is helpless to take any action except capturing or killing the
criminal. It is therefore inevitable that they both insist on the distinctions
among criminals, crime solvers, and victims, and that their obsessive
focus is on the fluid and troubling boundaries among these
categories. Crime films are about the continual breakdown and reestablishment
of the borders among criminals, crime solvers, and victims.
This paradox is at the heart of all crime films.
Crime films operate by mediating between two powerful but blankly
contradictory articles of faith: that the social order that every crime
challenges is ultimately well-defined, stable, and justified in consigning
different people to the mutually exclusive roles of lawbreakers, law
enforcers, and the victims who are the audience’s natural identification
figures; and that every audience member is not only a potential
victim but a potential avenger and a potential criminal under the skin.
The audience’s ambivalence toward both these premises, and the
shifting identifications crime films therefore urge among the fictional
roles of lawbreaker, law enforcer, and victim, are the defining feature
of the genre, and the feature that indicates the place each variety of
crime film has within the larger genre.

Hence the genre of crime films includes all films that focus on any
of the three parties to a crime – criminal, victim, avenger – while exploring
that party’s links to the other two. What defines the genre,
however, is not these three typological figures any more than a distinctive
plot or visual style, but a pair of contradictory narrative projects:
to valorize the distinctions among these three roles in order to
affirm the social, moral, or institutional order threatened by crime,
and to explore the relations among the three roles in order to mount
a critique that challenges that order. This contradictory double project,
which has often been obscured by the predominance of subgenres
like the gangster film and the film noir over the crime film, underlies
the ambivalence of all the crime film’s subgenres, including
several this book will not consider in detail. White-collar crime films
like Wall Street (1987) explore the paranoid hypothesis that American
capitalism is at its heart criminal; caper films like The Asphalt Jungle
(1950) present a criminal culture more admirable in its honor and professionalism
than the official culture it subverts; prison films from
Brute Force (1947) to The Shawshank Redemption (1994) explore the
nature of legal and moral guilt in order to consider how individual humanity
can survive the dehumanizing rituals of the prison system.
One final apparent omission deserves fuller mention because, as
Carlos Clarens has acknowledged, it goes to the heart of the crime
film’s definition: the thriller. The crime film has much in common with
the thriller; but following Charles Derry’s brief definition of the thriller
as “films in the shadow of Alfred Hitchcock”19 reveals that the thriller
is not, as Clarens argues, a parallel alternative to the crime film but a
subset of it. Although every crime film postulates the same three pivotal
figures, different figures predominate in different criminal subgenres.
The criminal is most prominent in gangster films and films
noirs; the avenging crime solver in detective films, police films, and
lawyer films; and the victim in the man-on-the-run films of which Hitchcock
made such a specialty. In a larger sense, however, all of Hitchcock’s
films are about victims. The types of crime films Hitchcock never
essayed – films about professional criminals, about ordinary people
sucked into committing crimes, about heroic agents of the justice system
– make up a virtual catalog of the types of films about criminals
and avengers. Despite Hitchcock’s bromide, “The more successful the
villain, the more successful the picture,”20 he never makes a criminal
the hero of a film without recasting that criminal, from Alice White in
Blackmail (1929) to Marnie Edgar in Marnie (1964), as a victim. Hitch-
cock’s distaste for the police is even more well-known; he regards legal
authorities of any sort with suspicion and fear. His abiding interest
therefore remains with innocent people who are unjustly suspected
of crimes (North by Northwest, 1959), or who must confront criminals
without any help from the authorities (Shadow of a Doubt), or who
turn detective in order to clear themselves or save their country (The
39 Steps, 1935). Hitchcock’s thrillers, indeed thrillers generally, are
essentially crime films that focus on the victims of crimes, or of the
criminal-justice system.
Including in the definition of crime films all films whose primary
subject is criminal culture, whether they focus on criminals, victims,
or avengers, may seem to make the genre too broad to be truly useful
or distinctive. But the test of this definition, like that of any genre, is
neither its narrowness nor its inclusiveness; it is its ability to raise
questions that illuminate its members in ways existing modes of thinking
about crime films do not. If all genres, as Staiger and Altman suggest,
are contingent, evolving, and transactional,21 the question they
raise is not whether or not a particular film is a member of a given
genre, but how rewarding it is to discuss it as if it were. Nearly any film,
from The Wizard of Oz to The English Patient, might be considered a
crime film. The model of ambivalence toward the categories represented
by the criminal, the victim, and legal avenger is not meant to
distinguish crime films from non–crime films once and for all, but to
suggest a new way of illuminating the whole range of films in which
crimes are committed.

Crime Films/Thomas Leitch/ http://www.cambridge.org